5 July 1998

Date: Sun, 5 Jul 1998 07:16:59 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: Pollard: Spy Left in the Cold
To: jy@jya.com
From: nobody@shinobi.alias.net (Anonymous)

The Washington Post, Sunday, 05 July 1998, Page W09

The Spy Who's Been Left In the Cold
By Peter Perl

Jonathan Pollard's spying compromised U.S. intelligence, strained the 
u.s.-israeli alliance and landed him in prison for life. Eleven years 
later, a new question has emerged: is justice being served?

The senior Israeli official broke away from an important round of 
diplomatic talks in Washington to make the journey to a federal prison in 
Butner, N.C., on a warm Friday morning in May. Cabinet Secretary Danny 
Naveh brought with him an entourage of Israeli journalists and cameramen, 
some gifts and two messages from his boss, Prime Minister Binyamin 
Netanyahu, addressed to the inmate whom Naveh had come to see.

Prisoner #09185-016 wore his khaki uniform and his embroidered white 
kippah, the skullcap worn in Jewish prayer. To protest his continued 
incarceration, the prisoner had stopped cutting his hair and shaving more than
a year ago, so his tangled brown curls hung down to his shoulders and his 
graying bushy beard brushed his collar. At age 43, Jonathan Jay Pollard had 
finally come to look like the biblical prophet that he had long fancied 

Pollard brought something of an entourage himself to the meeting. There was 
Esther Pollard -- the former Elaine Zeitz, a pen pal from Toronto whom 
Pollard now calls his wife. And there was an agent from the Office of Naval 
Intelligence, which supervises all of Pollard's contacts to prevent the 
disclosure of classified information. The visitors were told they must 
speak English rather than Hebrew so their conversation could be monitored, 
and that they could bring no gifts except for certain religious items. As 
far as the U.S. government was concerned, Jonathan Pollard was still toxic.

While the television cameras rolled, Naveh embraced the prisoner. Then he 
conveyed the contents of a formal statement acknowledging for the first 
time what Israel had for years denied: "Jonathan Pollard was an Israeli 
agent, handled by high-ranking Israeli officials . . . In light of this 
fact, the State of Israel acknowledges its obligation to Mr. Pollard and is 
ready to assume full responsibility accordingly."

And there was a separate handwritten note from Netanyahu to Pollard. 
"Gather your courage and spirits," it read. "You are not alone. The State 
of Israel will go on working, tirelessly and dauntlessly, to bring you 

The prisoner then gave a repentant speech to the Israeli media, stressing 
that he had never intended to harm the United States. "I tried to serve two 
countries at the same time. That does not work. Whatever good I might have 
done for Israel I don't believe justified the kind of act I took."

The ritual was almost over. But before he left, Naveh gave Pollard a 
ceremonial silver kiddush cup used in chanting the Hebrew blessing over 
wine. "I hope the day when you will be able to say the kiddush in Israel," 
he told Pollard, "will be soon."

It will not be soon. Key officials in the Defense and Justice departments 
and various intelligence agencies today remain as opposed to Jonathan 
Pollard's release as they were on March 4, 1987, when a federal judge 
sentenced him to life imprisonment for espionage. On that day 11 years ago, 
then-U.S. Attorney Joseph diGenova told reporters, "It is likely he will 
never see the light of day again."

The statement reflected the government's belief that the volume and 
sensitivity of the secrets Pollard sold to Israel did incalculable damage 
to American intelligence-gathering. These officials still consider Pollard 
a dangerous traitor whose release would send a terrible message that it's 
okay to spy for a friendly nation or to help an ethnic or religious 
homeland. And they portray Pollard as an arrogant, greedy and sometimes 
delusional young man who sold out his country for $50,000 in cash, jewelry 
and lavish trips abroad. President Clinton has heeded their opposition in 
rejecting annual pleas to commute Pollard's sentence.

Pollard was working as a Navy civilian intelligence analyst in 1984 when he 
decided to try to personally alter the balance of power in the Middle East 
by providing thousands of pages of highly classified U.S. electronic, 
satellite and military intelligence to Israel. He was arrested in November 
1985 and eventually pleaded guilty to spying charges. He claimed he had 
provided essential data that the U.S. government should have been sharing 
with Israel all along. It was the Year of the Spy, when several highly 
publicized espionage cases rocked Washington, and the security 
establishment was out for blood. He became the only American ever sentenced 
to life for spying for a U.S. ally. His sentence was as severe as those 
handed out to John Walker and Aldrich Ames, both of whom were convicted of 
selling crucial secrets to the Soviet Union.

At first, only Pollard's family and closest friends came to his defense. 
Israel officially denied any knowledge of his activities, claiming he was 
part of a "rogue" spy operation, while mainstream American Jewish 
organizations disavowed or condemned him. The Pollard affair strained 
relations not only between the United States and Israel, but within the 
Jewish world. American Jewish leaders were furious at the Israelis, and 
traveled to Jerusalem to protest the way Israel had handled the matter. 
Many Israelis, in turn, argued that American Jews were afraid to stand up 
for Pollard because they feared their own loyalty to the United States 
would be challenged.

But slowly and with many disruptions, a campaign for Pollard's release has 
coalesced. In Israel a dogged legal effort on his behalf in the High Court 
of Justice has forced Netanyahu's government in recent months to grant 
Pollard Israeli citizenship and admit its obligation to assist him. Naveh 
was the fifth cabinet-level official to visit Pollard in the last six 

In the United States, major Jewish organizations have gradually come around 
to supporting Pollard's release. In March, the rabbinical heads of the 
Orthodox, Conservative and Reform movements of American Judaism united in 
an unusual appeal to Clinton. "In the noblest spirit of biblical teachings, 
religious virtue and benevolent aspirations," they stated, "we . . . make 
this historic decision to turn to you to ask that you grant mercy to 
Jonathan Pollard and commute his prison sentence."

Pollard's family and supporters acknowledge his guilt. But they argue that 
it is past time to release him on humanitarian grounds. He spent seven 
years in solitary confinement at the maximum security prison at Marion, 
Ill., in the harshest of prison environments, and his 121/2-year 
incarceration -- which began with his arrest -- is already considerably 
longer than anyone has ever served for spying for a friendly nation, his 
advocates say. They portray Pollard as a naive idealist who intended only 
to help Israel and did not realize the extent of the potential damage he 
was doing to the United States.

Jonathan Pollard's story is one of deceit and betrayal. He betrayed the 
United States for Israel, and also for money. Israel then betrayed Pollard 
by turning him away when he sought refuge and by denying its 
responsibility. Both Israel and the United States broke faith with each 
other through espionage, despite their long-standing alliance. And the 
United States betrayed Pollard -- in the view of his supporters and at 
least one federal judge who heard his case -- by reneging on an agreement 
in which Pollard cooperated with the prosecution, pleaded guilty and was 
assured he would not receive a life sentence.

Perhaps the final betrayal is one of self. Friends and relatives say 
Jonathan Pollard has consistently undermined the campaign for his own 
release because he is obsessed with vindication, consumed by the idea that 
he is a victim of antisemitism and that Israel can rescue him through di  
plomatic and political pressure. He has systematically cut himself off from 
anyone who has questioned his tactics. He refuses to see or speak with his 
mother, father and sister, despite their decade-long effort on his behalf. 
He divorced his wife and former accomplice, Anne, just after her release 
from prison in 1990. He says he is now married to Esther Pollard, who has 
taken the name of a Jewish biblical heroine, although prison officials say 
the two have never formally wed. She shares his obsessions, ferociously 
championing his cause using faxes, Web pages, TV appearances and hunger 
strikes in a strident publicity campaign, denouncing American and Israeli 
officials for failing to act decisively to free her husband.

Pollard declined to be interviewed for this article, but he has spoken from 
prison to selected Israeli and Jewish media. He has indicated to them that 
he still sees himself, as he told an Israeli interviewer last year, as "a 
front-line soldier forgotten deep in enemy territory, taking a last stand 
on a small hill."

Pollard's fate hangs in a strange diplomatic limbo. His name appears on 
lists of issues prepared for bilateral meetings such as those during Vice 
President Gore's recent trip to Israel. Israeli politicians, particularly 
those seeking to appeal to right-wing voters, insist publicly that freeing 
Pollard is a priority. But it remains low on everyone's official agenda -- 
a photo op at Butner with nothing more than symbolic value.

Neither side has produced startling new revelations. But this account of 
Jonathan Pollard's short and unhappy career as a spy -- based on numerous 
American and Israeli investigative documents and more than 50 interviews 
with present and former officials in intelligence, law enforcement and 
diplomacy, as well as Pollard's family and supporters -- shows that the 
security breakdown that allowed Pollard to gain easy access to thousands of 
highly sensitive documents was massive, that the state of Israel deceived 
both him and Washington, and that U.S. officials remain determined to make 
an example of him. And the question remains: What is justice for Jonathan 

It was an unusual childhood, growing up Jewish at Notre Dame. Pollard's 
father, Morris, now 82, was an internationally known microbiologist whose 
work took the family around the world and brought them to live at the 
Catholic university in South Bend, Ind. His experiences gave Jay Pollard, 
the youngest of three children, a wider world view than most of his 
contemporaries, and often a negative one.

Small and bookish, he was the only Jew in his grade school and he was 
frequently taunted and bullied. "These characters would chase him home. 
Once he fell and broke his hand" trying to escape them, recalls his mother, 
Molly, now 81. "Five of these hoodlums showed up at lunch time" one day 
outside the Pollard home. Jay was terrified. "Mom, what can you do? Where's 
Dad?" he asked. She took to driving him to school, then transferred him to 
a private school.

The Holocaust was a personal issue in the Pollard household because some 70 
members of Molly's family, the Kleins of Vilna in Lithuania, had perished. 
Some died in concentration camps, others were taken away in mobile killing 
vans into which the Nazis pumped carbon monoxide. The family talked often 
of the Holocaust, and of the lingering effects of prejudice. Morris 
Pollard, an A student in college who believed he was rejected at medical 
school because of a Jewish quota, often preached to his children that Jews 
"have to be twice as good to get half as far."

Jay, an excellent student, took daily refuge at the Sinai Synagogue Hebrew 
School in South Bend. There, he found a few friends and deep sources of 
inspiration about Israel. A charismatic rabbi and several enthusiastic 
Hebrew school teachers sang the praises of the biblical homeland and 
preached that Jews had the obligation to make aliyah -- to go live in 

In 1967, the year of Jay's bar mitzvah, Israel and the surrounding Arab 
states went to war. Jay was horrified at the prospect that Israel would be 
annihilated. "We heard about the war on the radio," his mother recalls. 
"Jay cried. He said, 'Israel will be killed.' I said, 'God won't let us go 
wandering again.' " The next morning, Molly Pollard woke her son with the 
miraculous news that Israel's air force had prevailed. His prayers had been 

Morris Pollard's work took him to conferences in England, France, Germany, 
Japan and Mexico, and Jay frequently accompanied his parents. They recall 
him weeping as a teenager during their trip to the death camp at Dachau, 
and his subsequent determination to visit Israel.

Jay was also struck by another aspect of his father's international travel 
-- his occasional cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency. Morris 
Pollard, who served on advisory boards for various government agencies, 
including the Defense Department, was debriefed by the CIA on several 
occasions about his knowledge of biological and chemical research in 
foreign countries. He also was asked a few times to gather information 
informally at scientific conferences, a role he considered minor, but which 
his son glamorized and later would embellish wildly.

At 16, Jonathan Pollard made it to Israel, attending a summer camp for 
gifted children. He was enthralled with the youthful, pioneering spirit of 
the country and told his parents he was ready to make aliyah. He wanted to 
serve in the Israeli army.

His parents, however, convinced him that he could be of more service to 
Israel if he first got a college education. So he grudgingly went off to 
Stanford University. But he had already absorbed a prophetic message that 
his mother impressed upon him once, when he was afraid to go outside to 
face the bullies. She had told him, "Jay, you must remember this is a 
Christian country, and the only way you will be happy is in Israel."

The hiring and promotion of Jonathan Pollard surely rank among the 
monumental blunders in the history of U.S. intelligence. A bright but 
immature young man with an overactive imagination and a messianic love for 
a foreign country was given the keys to the intelligence kingdom -- some of 
the deepest secrets of the CIA, FBI, State Department, Defense Intelligence 
Agency and National Security Agency.

After graduating from Stanford and giving up on law school, Pollard wanted 
to join the CIA. "We told him intelligence work is dirty work. It is not 
for people with high ideals. It is corrupting," Morris Pollard recalls. 
"But he saw the glamour of it. He said, 'What are you talking about, Dad? 
You're involved in it.' "

In Jay's imagination, Morris Pollard was a former CIA station chief, 
according to what he told college friends and, later, naval intelligence 
colleagues. That was only one flight of fancy; Jay also told Stanford 
friends that he had worked for the Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, 
trained with the Israeli military, even fought in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. 
At one point, he said he feared for his life and carried a gun on campus. 
He also fabricated an advanced degree and employment on his resume.

He had read hundreds of spy novels. He had traveled extensively. And "he 
was an excellent raconteur. Whether what he was telling you was straight 
truth or embellished, who knew?" says Stephen Haaser, a childhood friend. 
"He had all kinds of great stories."

The CIA rejected Pollard in 1977. A polygraphed job interview suggested 
college drug use and other possible security problems. But the CIA did not 
pass this information along when Pollard, then 25, applied to and was hired 
by Naval Intelligence as an analyst in 1979.

Assigned to the Navy Operational Surveillance and Intelligence Center in 
Suitland, Pollard initially was considered a good analyst, writing clear 
and cogent reports on the Soviet navy based on nonclassified material. He 
quickly got his first security clearance, and soon problems surfaced.

Pollard approached a supervisor and told him he had a contact through a 
former acquaintance with the South African intelligence agency. Pollard 
suggested he could become a double agent. His superiors asked him to take a 
polygraph. The results were inconclusive, but troubling enough for the Navy 
to suspend his security clearance and suggest he get psychiatric help.

"Jay was intrigued by intrigue, and he wanted to be part of this secret 
game," says retired Cmdr. Jerry Agee, a former supervisor of Pollard. "When 
he couldn't get anything going, he would still hint and tell tales, and say 
he had good contacts and could work the diplomatic circuit. People blew it 
off as 'typically Jay,' a blowhard, bragging, et cetera. But the sad fact 
is that it was an indicator of a behavior that wasn't recognized until 
later on."

For months, Pollard's bosses monitored his job performance and, after he 
saw a psychiatrist, returned his security clearance. What they did not know 
was that Pollard had developed a penchant for impressing his friends by 
giving them low-level classified material. He gave economic and political 
analyses to two friends who were investment advisers, and he gave 
intelligence reports to Kurt Lohbeck, a freelance journalist who was 
covering the Soviet war in Afghanistan.

"He was very secretive . . . like a wannabe cop who likes to flash badges," 
says Lohbeck, who met Pollard at a Capitol Hill party. "He wanted to seem 
like he was really involved in intelligence, and then I learned he was just 
a staff analyst." Lohbeck says Pollard attempted to involve him in several 
arms-dealing schemes that had nothing to do with Israel. Pollard told him 
there was money to be made in arming anti-Soviet Afghan rebels and he 
arranged meetings for him and Lohbeck with Argentine and South African 
officials to discuss such deals, which never materialized, Lohbeck says.

In 1982, Pollard started living with Anne Henderson, a petite, red-haired 
woman who worked in public relations for the National Rifle Association. 
They paid $750 a month for a two-bedroom apartment on 20th Street in Dupont 
Circle. After their marriage, Jay tried to help her in her new job by 
leaking her classified documents about the Chinese government so she could 
compete for a Chinese Embassy public relations account. She didn't win.

Despite his work history, Pollard's career progressed. The naval 
intelligence operation in Suitland was reorganized and Pollard was 
transferred to a new division. But in a bureaucratic oversight, his new 
supervisor, Agee, was not informed about Pollard's previous problems. 
Pollard's previous supervisor had retired, his present bosses were new to 
the job, and because Pollard's security clearance had been restored, no one 
thought to check his file. Agee was running a new Anti-Terrorist Alert 

Center, and he assigned Pollard to a division where he was supposed to be  
monitoring and analyzing terrorist threats in the Caribbean and the 
continental United States. Agee, however, was not yet aware that Pollard 
had much broader interests.

In his new job, Pollard had access not just to "Confidential," "Secret" and 
"Top Secret" data; he additionally was granted security clearance for 
"Special Compartmented Information," a designation reserved for especially 
sensitive material, usually involving technical systems to intercept 

Pollard's SCI clearance gave him virtually unlimited access to various 
"secure" libraries and computerized databases belonging to military and 
civilian intelligence agencies throughout the Washington area. He also had 
a "courier card" that allowed him to travel with classified material 
between these libraries without being checked by security. He was 
positioned to become a perfect spy.

Two years later, on November 21, 1985, FBI agents were trailing his 1980 
green Mustang when Pollard suddenly swerved through an open electronically 
controlled gate into the Israeli Embassy compound off Van Ness Street NW. 
In the passenger seat was Anne Pollard, clutching their wedding album and 
their cat, Dusty. They'd also brought their birth certificates, marriage 
license and the cat's vaccination records. They were expecting to leave the 
United States for good.

The steel gate swung closed behind them, and Pollard, sweating and 
trembling, told the embassy guards that he was an Israeli spy seeking 
refuge. Pollard told them he was being pursued by the FBI and that he had 
been told by his Israeli handlers that he could escape through the embassy. 
Pollard told the guards the names of his various contacts, including Rafi 
Eitan, the legendary Israeli spymaster famed for his role in the 1960 
kidnapping of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann in Argentina.

The FBI surrounded the embassy as the Pollards waited in the driveway and 
the security guards went inside. When the guards emerged 10 minutes later, 
they told the Pollards, "You must leave." Anne was crying hysterically 
while her husband demanded that they call Israel and check with Eitan's 
agency, known by the Hebrew acronym LAKAM, which gathered scientific 
research and data from around the world.

Pollard invoked the Israeli Law of Return guaranteeing his right as a Jew 
to seek asylum in Israel. He told them he was a valuable spy with a false 
Israeli passport under the name "Danny Cohen." He begged them to check with 
the proper authorities. "We're Jews! We're on Israeli territory! You can't 
throw us out!"

But they could, and did.

Thus ended perhaps the largest outflow of classified material in any 
espionage operation against the United States. For the previous 18 months, 
Pollard had been routinely removing hundreds of pages of classified 
material per week from Suitland. On Fridays, he transferred documents -- 
often at a carwash -- from his briefcase into a suitcase, which he dropped 
off at an apartment house at 2939 Van Ness St. NW.

There, LAKAM set up a high-speed copying machine, with a security system 
designed to prevent the equipment from emitting telltale electromagnetic 
waves. The Israelis photocopied intelligence reports, satellite photographs 
and electronically intercepted message traffic pertaining mostly to Arab 
states. Pollard would usually pick up the suitcase over the weekend so he 
could return the documents on Monday morning.

In all, as the FBI and the Navy reconstructed it, Pollard had taken more 
than 1,000 documents, many of them hundreds of pages long, a mass of 
material estimated at 360 cubic feet -- a stack 6 feet wide, 6 feet long 
and 10 feet high.

Pollard had started spying in 1984 as a "walk-in," espionage parlance for a 
volunteer. Through a friend, he met Israeli Air Force Col. Aviem Sella, who 
was living in New York on temporary assignment. Pollard told Sella about 
his work and his belief that Israel was not being fully informed by the 
United States, and offered his services. Sella reported the contact to Tel 

The Mossad, which works closely with the CIA, had a strict policy of not 
spying on the United States, and declined Pollard's offer. But Eitan's 
LAKAM, a newer, smaller intelligence agency, told Sella to explore the 
possibilities. Once the Israelis realized the quality and quantity Pollard 
could deliver, they set up a full-blown operation. They also set about 
systematically corrupting Pollard, as spy agencies inevitably do with 
walk-ins to dissuade them from walking out.

Pollard, by most accounts, did not initially ask for money. He acted, he 
said, out of loyalty to Israel. But Sella told Pollard as the operation 
began that Pollard would have to travel to Paris to meet Eitan, and that 
the Israelis would pay $10,000 to cover all expenses. They decided on the 
rather flimsy cover story that the trip was an "engagement gift" for Jay 
and Anne from a rich "Uncle Joe."

Pollard and his fiancee spent a week at the Paris Hilton. There, Pollard 
met with Sella and Eitan, while Anne shopped with their wives. She admired 
a $7,000 diamond and sapphire ring, which Uncle Joe bought her. The couple 
traveled on to Saint-Tropez, Cannes, Nice, Monte Carlo, Florence, Rome, 
Venice, Innsbruck and Munich.

Upon their return, Pollard began receiving $1,500 cash each month. In the 
summer of 1985, Uncle Joe also paid for a three-week honeymoon trip to 
Europe and Israel. The newlyweds stayed at the best hotels and traveled in 
a $700 private compartment on the Orient Express. The Israelis were so 
pleased with the quality of material Pollard delivered that they told him 
his monthly payments would be increased to $2,500 and that they would also 
put away $30,000 a year for him in a Swiss bank for his retirement in 

Jay and his new bride developed a taste for the good life. Their American 
Express bills showed they were dining at good restaurants almost daily, 
although their combined take-home income was only $29,000 a year. Pollard 
gained more than 50 pounds, to about 220, after his year of living 

It might have gone on indefinitely, but Agee was growing increasingly 
dissatisfied with Pollard's slow progress on his regular assignments. 
Pollard also was slow in submitting paperwork to have his SCI clearance 
renewed, a process that would likely have required him to take a polygraph. 
Then in October, a colleague who did not care much for Pollard called Agee 
at home to say he had seen Pollard carrying a bundle of classified material 
outside work late on a Friday afternoon.

"It was a slow, slow accumulation of puzzling events," Agee recalls. But it 
became shockingly clear, after Agee checked records showing which documents 
Pollard had been handling, and after he alerted the FBI and the Naval 
Investigative Service, which installed hidden pinhole video cameras and 
watched Jay Pollard at work.

Jonathan Pollard stood pale and solemn in a dark suit before Chief U.S. 
District Judge Aubrey Robinson and spoke eloquently, at length, without 
notes. He had pleaded guilty to espionage and spent 15 months in jail 
awaiting sentencing, while the government negotiated a plea agreement with 
Jonathan and Anne's lawyers for their cooperation in assessing the damage.

"I have come to the inescapable conclusion," Pollard told the judge, "that 
while my motives may have been well-meaning, they cannot, under any stretch 
of the imagination, excuse or justify the violation of the law, 
particularly one that involves the trust of government, and there is no 
higher trust than [for] those in the intelligence community."

Pollard initially had refused to provide details of his crimes, and misled 
the FBI, not naming his Israeli accomplices, who fled the United States. 
Only as evidence mounted against him, and the Israeli government began to 
cooperate with the Justice Department investigation, did Pollard strike a 
deal. His guilty plea enabled the government to avoid a trial that would 
have disclosed secret information, including the extent of U.S. spying on 
its Arab allies. In exchange, the Justice Department said it would inform 
the court of Pollard's cooperation and seek a "substantial" prison term, 
but not life. Justice also agreed to seek a lesser term for Anne Pollard, 
who had a serious stomach ailment.

Pollard had picked a very bad year to be caught spying. He was one of 14 
people charged in 1985, including the infamous Walker family spy ring that 
had been selling secrets to the Soviets for more than a decade. Yet even in 
that notorious company, Pollard was singled out by Defense Secretary Caspar 
Weinberger, in a memorandum he submitted to the court prior to sentencing.

"It is difficult for me, even in the so-called 'Year of the Spy,' to 
conceive of a greater harm to national security than that caused by the 
defendant in view of the breadth, the critical importance to the U.S. and 
the high sensitivity of the information he sold to Israel," the defense 
secretary said. ". . . No crime is more deserving of severe punishment than 
conducting espionage against one's own country."

Much of the information Weinberger provided to the judge has remained 
top-secret, but parts were made public. Among the secrets Pollard had sold: 
diagrams of the Palestine Liberation Organization headquarters in Tunis, 
which had helped Israel in its 1985 bomb attack on the PLO; details of 
Soviet arms shipments to Syria; information on the Pakistani program to 
build an atom bomb; Iraqi and Syrian chemical warfare production capacity; 
the capability of Libyan air defenses; and much more.

Most significant, Weinberger said, Pollard's selling raw intelligence 
material disclosed the all-important "sources and methods" of U.S. 
intelligence-gathering. The Israelis, or anyone who subsequently might 
obtain the data, would know the capability of American electronic 
eavesdropping, the placement of U.S. strategic facilities, the extent of 
code-breaking ability, and would probably be able to learn the identities 
of agents and spies in various countries.

Weinberger told the judge the "punishment imposed should reflect the 
perfidy of [his] actions, the magnitude of the treason committed, and the 
needs of national security." Pollard, however, was not charged with 
treason, which is defined in the Constitution as waging war against the 
United States or aiding an enemy.

As defense secretary, Weinberger had been highly critical of some Israeli 
military actions, and Pollard supporters suggested that Weinberger, whose 
grandfather was Jewish, was motivated by anti-Israeli bias to exaggerate 
the damage. Weinberger, through a spokesman, declined to discuss the case.

If the Pollards weren't in enough trouble, they made it worse for 
themselves by very bad public relations. Both Jonathan and Anne gave media 
interviews before their sentencing. They were apparently violating their 
plea agreement not to give interviews, and they did not show much remorse.

Jonathan gave an audience to Wolf Blitzer, then of the Jerusalem Post, and 
told him: "I am as much a loyal son to the country [Israel] as anybody has 
ever been . . . I did my best. I'm sorry if I wasn't the most effective 
from a long-range standpoint. But I did my best."

And Anne Pollard spoke extensively on "60 Minutes," aired four days prior 
to sentencing, including this exchange with Mike Wallace: "Listening to 
you, Anne, I get the impression that you feel that everyone else is wrong, 
and you and your husband are right." Anne: "I feel my husband and I did 
what we were expected to do, what our moral obligation was as Jews, what 
our moral obligation was as human beings, and I have no regrets about 

At sentencing, both Jonathan and Anne spoke of their love for each other, 
and he stressed his shame at having drawn her into his scheme. He told the 
judge of his deep regret: "I should have recognized the infectious nature 
of an ideology, Zionism."

But Robinson did not buy it. As Pollard stood with his arm around his frail 
wife, the judge pronounced the life sentence.

"God! No! No!" Anne Pollard screamed, collapsing to the floor. Helped up, 
she stood as the judge sentenced her to five years in prison, and she fell 
back to the floor.

For more than a decade in prison, Jonathan Pollard relied upon his parents 
and his sister, Carol, to lead the campaign on his behalf. She gave 10 
years to his cause, quitting her job as a hospital administrator to run 
Citizens for Justice, a nonprofit foundation whose main purpose was to free 
her brother.

At its height several years ago, the Free Pollard movement claimed 400 
unpaid volunteers, 1.5 million petition-signers mostly in the United States 
and Israel, and support from more than 40 members of Congress, along with a 
majority of the Israeli Knesset. The Pollard family spent more than $30,000 
a year, crisscrossing the country, speaking at synagogues and other civic 
gatherings, raising money for legal appeals, putting out word that the 
severity of Jonathan's sentence was a case of unequal justice, if not 
antisemitic or anti-Israeli bias. In seeking a commutation of his sentence 
first from George Bush and now from Bill Clinton, they have also sought to 
assure everyone that Jonathan was indeed sorry for his crimes.

The campaign gained momentum in 1992 when Judge Stephen F. Williams of the 
U.S. Court of Appeals, agreeing with Pollard's defenders, labeled the 
Justice Department's actions at the sentencing a "flagrant violation" of 
the intent of the plea bargain. Williams said Weinberger and the 
prosecutors repeatedly characterized Pollard as traitorous, arrogant, 
greedy and remorseless, to the point where "the government's barrage 
expressed a viewpoint that the government had promised not to express" at 
sentencing. Williams felt so strongly that Pollard's rights were violated 
that he ended his opinion quoting Shakespeare's Macbeth, cursing the three 
witches for misleading him with false promises about his fate.

But Williams was on the losing end of a 2-1 vote. The other two judges, 
Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Laurence Silberman, upheld the sentence, 
characterizing the prosecution behavior as "hard-nosed" but not excessive. 
Pollard's supporters noted the painful irony that the two judges who ruled 
against him were Jewish, and some said they believed the judges were 
harsher on Pollard because they did not want to seem too soft on him or on 

Efforts to help Pollard have failed partly because of his own actions, his 
supporters say. In 1993, New York Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan's office 
arranged for the revered Orthodox Rabbi Aaron Soloveichik to visit Pollard 
in prison and compose a letter of contrition to President Clinton. The 
letter, written with Soloveichik, included Pollard's acknowledgment that 
his actions were "repugnant not only to American law, but equally repugnant 
to God's Torah." But while Clinton was considering it, Pollard's personal 
rabbi, Avi Weiss of New York, issued a statement saying Pollard disavowed 
the letter.

Such behavior has alienated many supporters. "It is as if there is more 
than one Jonathan Pollard: 'Yes, I'm guilty. No, I'm not. Yes, I'm sorry. 
No, I'm not,' " says Leonard Garment, the former Republican White House 
counsel who has worked for Israel and supported Pollard's release. Garment, 
who visited Pollard in 1994, says he advised the Pollard family to seek 
Jonathan's release on medical grounds because "he is a distraught, 
disoriented person. He is the boy with his finger in the dike, and he is 
the captive of his ruminations, his fantasies."

Pollard is no longer talking to Rabbi Weiss, nor to Amnon Dror, an Israeli 
businessman who for years headed his support committee there. Dror says he 
stressed in several prison meetings with Pollard that "you have to convince 
the American people you are sincere in your regret. He would say 'Okay' and 
whenever I left the cell, I would hear, an hour later, a spokesman on 
behalf of Jonathan saying exactly the opposite."

A senior assistant to Moynihan, David Luchins, who worked for several years 
to try to free Pollard, says the senator is no longer involved in the case. 
Luchins says of Pollard: "There is a pattern that when people try to help 
him, he grows paranoid, distrustful and delusional. Any suggestion of fault 
or frailty on his part by supporters leads to his denouncing them as his 
enemies and reaching out to a new, more compliant group of supporters, who 
he will embrace until they grow weary or commit some sin against his 
ever-changing perception of martyrdom."

Rather than stress that he is remorseful and contrite, Pollard and his new 
wife more often have portrayed him as a martyr in the Zionist cause and 
have launched bitter verbal attacks on American and Israeli officials. 
Zeitz-Pollard, a Canadian Orthodox Jew, had a statement read into the 
record of the Knesset in 1996 saying in part: "Jonathan Pollard has been 
the scapegoat, exploited by antisemitic elements within the American 
administration, to call into question Israel's reliability as an ally . . . 
Mr. Prime Minister, it is time for the Jewish leader of the Jewish state to 
act in a manner befitting a Jewish leader, and through strong actions to 
let the Americans know that Jewish blood is not cheap."

At a time when Pollard supporters looked to the newly elected Netanyahu to 
aid the cause, Zeitz-Pollard issued a press release in her husband's name 
saying that Netanyahu had "shirked his responsibilities" and "blatantly 
betrayed" a promise to seek Pollard's release. She was frequently quoted, 
particularly in right-wing Israeli media, calling government officials 
stupid, incompetent or afraid to challenge the Americans, whom she has 
branded as liars, right up to President Clinton.

Jonathan Pollard, in a lengthy interview last year with the Israeli daily 
Ma'ariv, expressed scorn for some of his American Jewish brethren. "I grew 
up on Exodus, on the new Zionism, on the new sense of national pride, on 
the new Jew who is revitalized, who isn't afraid. I detest the Diaspora 
mentality. I detest defeatism and Jews who are motivated by materialism to 
live in America."

Jonathan's sense of suspicion has grown to the point where it includes his 
own family. After sharp disagreements over strategy and personality 
conflicts between his family and his new wife, Pollard has taken his 
mother, father and sister off his prison visitors list and will no longer 
talk to them on the telephone.

On a warm spring day on the campus of Notre Dame, two old men embrace the 
way old friends do, then sit to talk about things they have discussed many 
times before.

The Rev. Theodore Hesburgh, president emeritus of the university, welcomes 
Morris Pollard to his spacious office with a beautiful view from the top 
floor of the Hesburgh Library. A nationally respected theologian, educator 
and author, Hesburgh persuaded a somewhat reluctant Morris Pollard to come 
here 37 years ago. Morris had asked about being a Jew at a Catholic place 
and Hesburgh predicted he would find kindred spirits because "we are all 
trying to get out of our own ghettos."

Both men are white-haired octogenarians, both still working long past 
retirement age. Hesburgh is ruddy and energetic, while Pollard is pale, 
sad-eyed, and seems stooped by his burden. "It is a terrible, terrible drag 
on this man," Hesburgh says of his friend. "He is a great scholar and a 
good father, and he and Molly, they have really suffered, and they don't 
deserve it."

Hesburgh, who has known Jonathan since he was 6, became actively involved 
in the case early on, visiting the Bush White House to lobby unsuccessfully 
for clemency. "The boy was a real nerd to do what he did," Hesburgh says. 
"I think with all his intelligence, he was a hopeless romantic and he used  
to fantasize, and I think he got caught up and it became a passion with 
him. He got sucked in, and they hooked him with money, and he assumed he 
was important."

Nonetheless, the sentence was excessive, Hesburgh says, in part because the 
prosecution behaved immorally. "You make a deal, you keep the deal, even if 
you are not a great admirer of Jonathan, and I am not," he says. "I can't 
say I am proud of our justice system."

Hesburgh and Morris Pollard sit for nearly an hour, recounting high and low 
points of the case like old army buddies. Hesburgh says that years earlier 
he thought he had come up with a politically acceptable solution in which 
Jonathan Pollard would renounce his U.S. citizenship and be banished to 
Israel. He took the idea to the White House, "and it was like a stone wall, 
20 feet thick. I was treated like a silly little boy dealing with a silly 

"Weinberger lied," Morris Pollard says. "Weinberger lied like he lied in 
Iran-contra." Weinberger was indicted on five counts of obstruction of 
Congress, false statements and perjury, but pardoned in 1992 by Bush.
Pollard is silent for a time, and Hesburgh nods sympathetically.

"I think about this every day," Pollard says.

"I don't know how you have kept up all these years," Hesburgh says. "The 
Jewish establishment is behind you now, but it's a little late."

Major Jewish groups -- the World Jewish Congress, B'nai B'rith 
International, the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, 
the Anti-Defamation League and many others -- have over the years come 
around from shunning Jonathan Pollard to advocating his release.

All of which makes Sumner Shapiro quite angry. He is retired Rear Adm. 
Shapiro, and the first and only Jewish director of naval intelligence. He 
and his former deputy, Thomas Brooks, hired Pollard, then took away his 
security clearance, but decided to give him a second chance. Shapiro, 
balding and gray-haired, is an intense, sometimes gruff man who 
particularly dislikes talking about the Pollard case. But he agreed to do 
so because he believes Jonathan Pollard is being supported by people who 
have no idea of the magnitude of his crimes.

"He tries to sell himself as a hero, a savior of Israel and the Jewish 
people, and, in point of fact, that emerged after he was in jail and tried 
to reinvent himself," Shapiro says. In his view, Pollard "had a Walter 
Mitty complex. He saw himself as kind of a James Bond" and also enjoyed the 

Shapiro retired before Pollard actually began spying. "I wish the hell I'd 
fired him."

Shapiro insists Pollard was far too low-ranking to know how much 
intelligence the United States was actually sharing with Israel. As a 
junior analyst, "he would not have participated in meetings like that. That 
was on my level." In the spy business, Shapiro says, countries have 
complicated but legitimate reasons for sharing only part of their knowledge 
with allies. For Pollard to open the floodgates on that information, 
Shapiro says, was devastating.

"Not only does it jeopardize our sources and methods, but it diminishes the 
confidence that other countries and sources would have in us. If you want 
to do business with the Americans and they can't protect this information, 
it has a far greater, long-ranging result," Shapiro says. "It is really the 
lifeblood of an intelligence organization."

"Whether it was Pollard's initiative or the Israelis', the idea that an 
American Jew would spy for anyone bothers the hell out of me," Shapiro 
says. "It bothers me because it puts all Jews in a position of trust like 
that under a certain cloud. Whether the cloud actually exists or not, you 
think that it does. We work so hard to establish ourselves and to get where 
we are, and to have somebody screw it up . . . and then to have Jewish 
organizations line up behind this guy and try to make him out a hero of the 
Jewish people, it bothers the hell out of me."

Actually, the leaders of American Jewish organizations have been careful 
not to try to make Pollard a hero. Phil Baum, executive director of the 
American Jewish Congress, headed a committee of major groups that 
investigated the Pollard case 10 years ago to determine whether his 
sentencing was biased. "We made an independent effort. We could not 
document any charges of antisemitism, no evidence that he was treated 
differently," Baum says. "We took the position that we owed no special 
obligation to Pollard if he chose to spy for Israel."

That position outraged those who saw Pollard as a valiant victim of his 
ideals. "The only time I have ever been called a Nazi by Jews was by the 
people who supported Jonathan Pollard," says Abraham Foxman, national 
director of the Anti-Defamation League. Foxman says that because he also 
found no evidence of antisemitism in Pollard's case, he was accused by 
Pollard supporters of "being indifferent, insensitive and having blood on 
my hands."

Shapiro and others in the intelligence field say it is absurd to compare 
Pollard's sentence with those meted out to others convicted in the last 
decade of spying. In most other cases -- even those involving U.S. enemies 
such as the Soviet Union -- the scope and value of the material that was 
compromised was minuscule compared with Pollard's, they say.

Others are not convinced. "The U.S. government double-crossed him. It is a 
harsh statement, but I will stand by it," says Seymour Reich, a former 
leader of various Jewish organizations. He believes Pollard is serving an 
unusually tough sentence because the defense establishment is "trying to 
teach Israel a lesson, trying to teach American Jews a lesson, or trying to 
teach American Jews in government a lesson."

Israel broke a fundamental diplomatic rule by spying on an ally -- and 
getting caught. Reports at the time revealed that the United States had 
also spied on Israel, but never on such a scale. Moreover, Israel's firm 
denial, while predictable in the spy business, angered the American side 
all the more. One of Pollard's former lawyers, Hamilton Fox, explains the 
U.S. government's hard-line position this way: "The analogy I like to give 
is finding your wife in bed with your best friend. It hurts more because it 
was your best friend. And Israel being one of the closest allies we have, 
it was a bit more." The American attitude was, says Fox, "We are going to 
send these bastards a message."

At dusk, Morris Pollard is driving Molly home from dinner in their 
Oldsmobile, going about 20 mph across the Notre Dame campus. She doesn't 
drive anymore since a stroke two years ago. They have been married for 59 
years and they finish each other's sentences. Their round faces even seem 
to resemble each other's.

They also share the same ghosts, the same guilt.

"I made a terrible blunder once," Morris says, recounting a conversation 15 
years ago with Jonathan. "He said, 'I want to tell you about what I'm 
doing,' and I said, 'I can't listen' " because he knew of his son's 
high-level security clearance. In retrospect, Morris Pollard believes, 
Jonathan might have wanted to discuss his spying for Israel. Perhaps if he 
had, Morris might have been able to stop him.

Morris and Molly are bewildered by the present and the future. They know 
their son did wrong, but they believe he is being held hostage because of 
some sort of unspoken conspiracy against him, against Israel. They have 
never met the woman whom their son calls his wife, but they believe she is 
sabotaging his chances of ever being freed. At this point, they do not know 
whether they will ever see him again.

Jonathan has refused to apply for parole, because he is convinced it will 
not be granted, and he fears that the parole board could rule him 
ineligible to reapply for many years to come. "As far as commutation is 
concerned," Pollard said in a recent letter to an American Jewish official, 
"the President has acted so disrespectfully on this score that, barring 
securing a written promise from him to grant it, I will never again submit 
a request to this man."

Morris Pollard says his son has been fixated on making Israel act ever 
since his arrest. In his first visit to see Jay in jail after he was turned 
away at the Israeli Embassy, Morris says, "he asked me to deliver a message 
to the ambassador: that the government of Israel lacked beitzim," which is 
Hebrew for balls.

While Jonathan's court case succeeded in getting Israel to acknowledge its 
responsibility, his parents and most other supporters see no way this will 
help free him. Indeed, several knowledgeable officials have told them that 
every prison visit by an Israeli cabinet member and every move that raises 
Jonathan's profile will make it harder to muster political support for him 
in America.

As they are driving home, Molly recalls the conference they attended the 
previous three days on the Holocaust, an unusual gathering that included 
scholars and activists from around the world.

"Last night," she tells her husband, "a woman said to me, 'We're so proud 
of Jay!' "

"Well, they shouldn't be proud of him," Morris says, sternly. "He was 
wrong. But his punishment was wrong." Morris is quiet for a moment, then 
says, "Jonathan had 110 community groups, Jewish federations in favor of 
commutation . . ."

"And," Molly adds, "a thousand rabbis.".

Peter Perl is a staff writer for the The Washington Post Magazine.

Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company