17 September 1998: Link to DoD transcription of Secretary Cohen's full remarks and Q&A session.

15 September 1998: Link to interview request to DoD; add list of CFR participants.

14 September 1998

We attended Secretary Cohen's talk today at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City, as presented in the press release below.

While not included in the prepared text, Secretary Cohen remarked in the Q&A on terrorism and encryption policy that Americans will have to decide how much privacy they will be willing to give up for protection against terrorism, and cited the FBI's similar views on the threat of encryption use by terrorists.

Afterwards I had a brief, informative chat with Kenneth Bacon, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs, to ask about interviewing Secretary Cohen on Echelon, the global electronic intercept and surveillance system operated by the National Security Agency.

Mr. Bacon said the Department will not comment on such matters. I acknowledged that was the case heretofore, but with intense European interest in Echelon, I asked if would it be possible for Secretary Cohen to give a statement on the topic.

I noted that Secretary Cohen in his talk today had listed international cooperation as a principal need of US defense policy, and that Echelon had raised considerable suspicion of US interception and surveillance prowess which could inhibit international trust and cooperation.

I also asked Mr. Bacon if Secretary Cohen could discuss as well the possibility of further declassification of secret technology, as with the Skipjack encryption algorithm, to enhance US economic security and for protection against information espionage.

Mr. Bacon said that others in the Department would be more appropriate to discuss such topics in detail then Secretary Cohen. I asked if anyone except the Secretary had authority to discuss Echelon and declassification of secret technology. Mr. Bacon would not answer that but suggested I send a letter proposing such topics for discussion and the Department will respond.

Date: Mon, 14 Sep 1998 18:05:04 -0400
From: dlnews_sender@DTIC.MIL
Subject: DoD News Releases

= N  E  W  S      R  E  L  E  A  S  E
= WASHINGTON, D.C. 20301

No. 475-98

September 14, 1998

Remarks Prepared for Delivery by
U.S. Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen
Council on Foreign Relations
New York, New York

September 14, 1998

"Security in a Grave New World"

When I leave my office to walk to the National Military Command Center, 
I pass through a corridor that is decorated with quotations on the walls.
My favorite is one by Robert E. Lee:  "I was too weak to defend, so I 
attacked." But the most sobering is one from Proverbs:  "When there is 
no vision, the people perish."

Tonight, I want to talk about my vision for maintaining a strong, flexible
national defense in a grave new world characterized by complex threats.  
These challenges include:

* Transnational terrorism
* Rogue nations rushing to build weapons of mass destruction.
* Ethnic, religious and economic strains that undermine security and 
  stability in key areas of the world.

We no longer face a single, powerful enemy, as we did during the Cold War.
We don't live with a balance of terror.  But we do face terrorists, and 
we do face the terrorizing possibility some nation or group will try to 
use a deadly chemical or biological weapon against our forces or our 

Because we don't confront a single enemy, we are facing a wider variety 
of  challenges.  We are deploying to more places than 10 years ago, and 
we are doing that with a military that is 36% smaller than at the end of 
the Cold War.

To deal effectively with these challenges, we must have a national 
security policy based on four pillars:

* Bi-partisan support for Defense Policy
* Budgets adequate to maintain the world's best military today and in the 
* International cooperation
* Interagency cooperation within our government

When I became secretary of defense, I announced that my goal was to 
maintain a  bi-partisan consensus for strong national security policies.  
The security issues we face today transcend partisanship.  They aren't 
Democratic or Republican challenges; they are national challenges.
What happens in Moscow, Baghdad or Pyongyang matters in Minneapolis, 
Birmingham or Portland. Any vision for a strong national defense must 
rest on a foundation of bi-partisan support.  We can't lead the world 
unless we agree on the road to take.

The decision to expand NATO showed the power of a bi-partisan consensus.
Another example is the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, 
under which we are helping the former Soviet Union diminish its nuclear 
arsenal.  As a result of Nunn-Lugar, Belarus, Kasakhstan, and Ukraine 
have abolished their nuclear arsenals.  After the Soviet Union split up, 
these countries maintained the third, fourth and fifth largest strategic 
nuclear forces in the world.

The second key to a strong defense is maintaining budgets that are 
adequate to meet our challenges, both current and future.

Today our spending on readiness is high.  Our forces in Bosnia, Korea and 
the Gulf -those at the tip of the spear-prove every day that they are 
well trained, well led and ready to defend U.S. interests.

But we are facing some strains, particularly in the follow-on forces.  
The Navy and the Air Force are experiencing problems with recruiting and 
retention, in part because of attractive job offers from the booming 
private sector.  The Army has had to take money out of base operations 
and infrastructure accounts to pay for readiness.

In any given year, it is tempting to slow development and procurement of 
future weapons in order to fund today's operations.  This is a costly 

Technology now gives the United States an opportunity that no other 
military has ever had:  the ability to see through the fog of war more 
clearly and to strike precisely over long distances. This is what we call 
the revolution in military affairs.  It means fighting with more stealth
and surprise.  It means achieving greater effectiveness with less risk.

The Revolution in Military Affairs is NOT just a vision of the future; it
is a set of capabilities that we are beginning to use today.  Realizing 
the program's full promise  will require new weapons and digital links 
between intelligence gatherers and warriors.  It will also demand that we 
continue to recruit, train and retain a well-educated force.

Last year I proposed management reforms and base closings designed to 
produce billions of dollars of savings that can be channeled into 
readiness and procurement.  We need to achieve these savings if we hope 
to maintain the best fighting force in the world to face future 

The challenges include overcoming the technological difficulties of 
developing and deploying effective theater and national missile defense 

I am committed to working with the President and with Congress to assure 
that our armed forces have the resources they need to protect U.S. 
interests in the 21st century as well as they have in this century.

The third element in my vision for a strong national security policy is 
international cooperation. While the United States is the world's 
undisputed leader, we cannot solve problems alone.

One example is preventing aggression by Iraq.  Our policy of containing 
Iraq is the policy of the U.N. Security Council.  Enforcement of Security 
Council Resolutions  prevents him from attacking his neighbors and from 
rebuilding his weapons of mass destruction program.

Saddam Hussein wants to remove U.N. economic sanctions, recover control 
of his oil revenues and rebuild his military, including large stock piles 
of chemical and biological weapons.

For years Iraq has been trying to divide the Security Council by 
pretending that the dispute is between Washington and Baghdad.  It is not.  This is a dispute between Iraq and the U.N. over whether Iraq is going to comply with U.N. mandates requiring it to disclose and dismantle its program to build nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them.
Last week's Security Council decision to suspend the bi-monthly review of 
sanctions until Iraq lives up to its commitments is a set back for Saddam.  Despite his efforts, the Security Council remains unified behind full compliance.

The complex security challenges the United States faces today can't be 
resolved by the military alone.  Soldiers and diplomats have always 
worked side by side.  Now we are learning in Asia that economists and 
soldiers share the same interests in stability.

Months ago, I appeared on Capitol Hill with Treasury Secretary Rubin and 
Federal Reserve Board Chairman Greenspan to argue for economic support 
for South Korea.  I pointed out that economic and military security were 
linked there and in other parts of Asia.  Earlier today, the President 
noted that security rests on economic growth and development.

One area that illustrates the need for a bi-partisan approach, adequate 
funding, international cooperation and close inter-agency coordination is 
the battle against terrorism.  We can no longer think of terrorists as 
malefactors who attack American interests abroad.  The World Trade Center 
Bombing and Oklahoma City have destroyed that myth.

The challenge of terrorism demands that we think the unthinkable--attacks 
with weapons of mass destruction on American soil.

The Defense Department is actively engaged with other federal agencies and
with State and local authorities to prepare for such attacks.  Two years 
ago, at the direction of Congress, the Department of Defense started a 
program to train city and state authorities responsible for emergency 
medical, fire fighting, hazardous material, police, and other services.  
State and local officials are the first respondents--the people who will 
be first on the scene if an attack occurs.

So far, we have already trained nearly 10,000 first responders in 30 
cities, and another 25 cities will receive training in the coming year.  
Our program is specifically designed so that the people we train become 
trainers themselves.  This  approach will greatly magnify our efforts to 
produce a core of qualified first responders across the nation.

The Department of Defense is providing other support services, such as 
establishing 10 Rapid Assessment, Identification and Detection Teams in 
the National Guard.  These new RAID teams will quickly reach the scene of
an incident in order to help local first responders figure out what kind 
of attack occurred, its extent, and the steps needed to minimize and 
manage the consequences.

Getting prepared for such a potential attack is extremely complicated, 
given the wide range of possible threats and the many players at the 
local, state and federal levels.

Earlier this summer the President acted to expand and improve coordination
of federal efforts.  We have made significant progress already and expect 
more in the coming months.  We hope, for example, to consolidate all 
support to state and local officials into one lead federal agency.  Other 
agencies, such as the Department of Defense, will play an active support 

So far we have had several false alarms, such as the anthrax hoaxes in 
Wichita, Washington and Las Vegas.  We had one close call here in New 
York.  The World Trade Center bombers attempted, fortunately without 
success, to develop a chemical weapon capability to supplement their 
truck bomb.

And we know that Usama bin Laden wants chemical weapons and has worked to 
acquire them.  These facts, combined with the multiple chemical weapons 
attacks in Japan by the Aum Shinrikyo cult, should make clear that the 
threat is real.  We must be prepared.

Terrorism demands a coordinated, resolute response, but there is one 
response we should never indulge.  We must never allow messengers of hate 
to alter the course of America's role in the world.

We must be mindful that those who engage in terror will exploit any 
display of fear or weakness. We have a choice:  fight or fold in pathetic 

America cannot retreat behind concrete bunkers and barriers and expect to 
be a force for good in the world--or even to remain secure in our own 

And no government can permit others to attack its citizens with impunity, 
if it hopes to retain the loyalty and confidence of those it is charged 
to protect.

We can remain free only as long we remain strong and brave.  We intend to 
do precisely that.  All should know that we will not simply play passive 

Those who sponsor or support acts of terrorism are not beyond the reach 
of America's military might.  We demonstrated this after the attacks 
against our embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam.

Those who attack American citizens will find no safe harbor, no haven in 
which to hide.

A successful fight against terrorism will require discipline, patience 
and strength.  There is no doubt that terrorists will test our resolve.  
There is no doubt that we will meet the test.


NOTE: This is a plain text version of a web page.
If your mail reader did not properly format this information,
the original is online at http://www.defenselink.mil/news/
Military Photos, Graphics, Video Clips and Sound Clips
Unsubscribe from this mailing list:

[Distributed at meeting] COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS Meeting with THE HONORABLE WILLIAM S. COHEN U.S. Secretary of Defense A CONVERSATION WITH THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE: EMERGING THREATS Monday, September 14, 1998 5:30 - 7:00 p.m. Coffee/Tea Reception 5:30 - 6:00 p.m. Meeting 6:00 - 7:00 p.m. Leslie H. Gelb President Council on Foreign Relations Presiding The presentation, discussion & question-and-answer period will be on-the-record.
Mrs. Janet Langhart Cohen Hon. C.W. Bill Young (R-FL) Member of the House of Representatives Mrs. Beverly Young Mr. Kenneth H. Bacon Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Ms. Pamela Berkowsky Assistant Chief of Staff to the Secretary of Defense Col. Mastin Robeson, USMC Military Assistant to the Secretary of Defense Ms. Mary Ellen Connell Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Major Douglas B. McNary Speech Writer to the Secretary of Defense Participants Odeh F. Aburdene Warren Bass The Capital Trust Group Council on Foreign Relations Laurence D. Anderson Alan R. Batkin KEDO Kissinger Associates, Inc. Terry L. Andreas Brian Battersby School for Field Studies SFM Media Robert Anthoine Robert M. Bestani Winthrop, Stimson, Putnarn & Roberts Richard K. Betts Henry H. Arnhold Council on Foreign Relations Arnhold and S. Bleichroeder, Inc. John P. Birkelund Mario L. Baeza Warburg Dillon Read TCW/Latin America Partners, L.L.C. Edward Bleier Leslie E. Bains Warner Brothers Republic National Bank of NY
Donald Blinken Robert Carswell Shearrnan & Sterling Carroll R. Bogert Human Rights Watch Betsy H. Cohen Chris-Craft Industries, Inc. Landrum R. Bolling Conflict Management Group Jerome Alan Cohen Council on Foreign Relations Marshall M. Bouton Asia Society Joan Ganz Cooney Children's Television Workshop Denis A. Bovin Bear. Stearns & Co. Inc. Jack David John Brademas Jacquelyn K. Davis New York University Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Christopher W. Brody Kathryn W. Davis E.M. Warburg, Pincus & Co., LLC Shelby Cullom Davis & Co. Joshua Brook Peter M. Dawkins Council on Foreign Relations The Travelers David S. Browning Lois Pattison de Menil Schlumberger Limited The DM Foundation Judith Bruce Raghida Dergham The Population Council Al-Hayat William J. Butler Robert P. DeVecchi Butler & Geller Council on Foreign Relations Ralph Buultjens Jayantha Dhanapala New York University NPT Extension Conference Colin G. Campbell John Diebold The Rockefeller Brothers Fund The Diebold Institute for Public Policy Studies Susanna P. Campbell Council on Foreign Relations William Diebold, Jr. Lisa M. Caputo William Donaldson CBS Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette
Grant R. Doty Charlynn Goins U.S. Military Academy Ronnie L. Goldberg Joel Dreyfuss U.S. Council for International Business Fortune Magazine Harrison J. Goldin Jaymie Durnan Goldin Associates MacAndrews & Forbes Holdings Inc. John Goldman Susan K. Ellingwood The Los Angeles Times The Wall Street Journal Roy M. Goodman Claude E. Erbsen New York State Senate Associated Press - NY Albert H. Gordon Lisa C. Ferrell Deltec Asset Management Corporation Arkansas State House of Representatives Michael D. Granoff Maria Figueroa Pomona Capital Council on Foreign Relations Maurice R. Greenberg Peter Flaherty American International Group, Inc. McKinsey & Company, Inc. Joseph N. Greene, Jr. Andrew D. Frank Strategy XXI Group Donald P. Gregg The Korea Society Bart Friedman Cahill Gordon & Reindel Julie M. Grimes Winthrop, Stimson, Putnam & Roberts Thomas J. Gallagher CIBC Oppenheimer Henry A. Grunwald Council on Foreign Relations Charles S. Ganoe Ganoe Associates John H. F. Haskell, Jr. Warburg Dillon Read Richard L. Garwin Council on Foreign Relations Rita E. Hauser Stroock & Stroock & Lavan Bruce S. Gelb Judy Gelb William L. Hauser Joachim Gfoeller, Jr. Theresa A. Havell G.M.S. Capital Partners, L.P. Havell Capital Management
Mitchell W. Hedstrom Meher Jan Citibank Council on Foreign Relations David Hilmer Morton L. Janklow Council on Foreign Relations Janklow & Nesbit Associates Christine M. Y. Ho Merit E. Janow The G7 Group Inc. Columbia University James F. Hoge, Jr. Robert W. Johnson IV Foreign Affairs The Johnson Company, Inc. Karen N. Horn David L. Jones Bankers Trust Company Council on Foreign Relations Richard C. Hottelet James R. Jones Karen Elliott House Marvin Josephson Dow Jones & Company, Inc. ICM Holdings Inc. Robert E. Hunter Howard Kaminsky RAND Corporation Gilbert E. Kaplan Patricia S. Huntington The Kaplan Foundation Huntington Associates Adrian Karatnycky J. C. Hurewitz Freedom House Columbia University Stephen L. Kass John B. Hurford Carter, Ledyard & Milburn BEA Associates, Inc. Daniel J. Kaufman Walter S. Isaacson U.S. Military Academy Time, Inc. David Kellogg Steven L. Isenberg Council on Foreign Relations Mahnaz Z. Ispahani Melanie M. Kirkpatrick The Ford Foundation The Wall Street Journal William E. Jackson George Klein Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy Park Tower Group Jerome Jacobson James M. Klurfeld Economic Studies Inc. Newsday
Lawrence J. Korb Anne Luzzatto Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Geraldine S. Kunstadter Ying Ma The Albert Kunstadter Family Council on Foreign Relations Foundation Andrew Latzman Alice K. Malone Lockheed Martin Delta Three Jeffrey Laurenti Harpreet K. Mann United Nations Association of the Council on Foreign Relations U.S.A. Joshua Lederberg Paul A. Marks Rockefeller University Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center Roger S. Leeds Ann R. Markusen Patricof & Co. Ventures, Inc. Council on Foreign Relations John F. Lehman Suzanne McDonough J.F. Lehman & Co. Robert M. McKinney Wilbert J. LeMelle The Santa Fe New Mexican Phelps Stokes Fund Carol McKusick Reynold Levy Council on Foreign Relations International Rescue Committee Lawrence C. McQuade Nancy A. Lieberman River Capital International LLC Skadden Arps Slate Meagher & Flom Kathryn B. Medina Robert K. Lifton Cell Diagnostics, Inc. Carl B. Menges Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette Bette Bao Lord Freedom House John R. Menke Winston Lord Theodor Meron New York University Oivind Lorentzen III Northern Navigation America, Inc. Zoltan Merszei McFarland Dewey & Co. Gregory Loyd Council on Foreign Relations Michael R. Meyer Newsweek
John Micklethwait Michael F. Oppenheimer The Economist Multinational Strategies, Inc. Judith Miller James Ortenzio The New York Times JAO Holdings Corp. Arthur M. Mitchell III Carter W. Page Chadbourne & Parke LLP Eurasia Group Georgette Mosbacher Jonathan Paris Georgette Mosbacher Enterprises Council on Foreign Relations Joel W. Motley Juliette M. Passer-Muslin Carmona Motley Hoffmann, Inc. International Project Development Group. LLC Jan Marie Mowder Hughes Council on Foreign Relations Roland A. Paul Howmet International Inc. C. G. Murphy Linda J. Perkin Elva Murphy United Nations Council on Foreign Relations Louis Perlmutter Janice L. Murray Lazard Freres & Co. LLC Council on Foreign Relations Michael P. Peters John A. Nagl Council on Foreign Relations U.S. Military Academy Holly Peterson Priscilla A. Newman CIS Media Group Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe Ponchitta Pierce Edward N. Ney Burson-Marsteller Lester Pollack Lazard Freres & Co. LLC Carole Nichols Global Kids, Inc. Susan Kaufman Purcell Americas Society Matthew Nimetz Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Bruce Rabb Garrison Kramer, Levin, Naftalis & Frankel Carol O'Cleireacain New York University
Clyde E. Rankin III Richard E. Salomon Coudert Brothers Spears, Benzak, Salomon & Farrell. Inc. Richard Ravitch Barbara C. Samuels II Ravitch, Rice & Co. Samuels Associates Donald S. Rice Kori Schake Ravitch, Rice & Co. National Defense University Stephen Robert Eugene A. Sekulow CIBC Oppenheimer Corp. Jason T. Shaplen Barbara Paul Robinson KEDO Debevoise & Plimpton Kevin P. Sheehan David Rockefeller Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz Council on Foreign Relations Jack Sheinkman Frederick F. Roggero Amalgamated Bank of New York Council on Foreign Relations Ronald K. Shelp Ervin J. Rokke Kent Global Strategies. Inc. Moravian College Lisa Shields Frederick P. Rose ABC News Rose Associates, Inc. Henry Siegman Gideon Rose Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Leon V. Sigal A. M. Rosenthal Social Science Research Council The New York Times Robert B. Silvers Katherine Roth New York Review of Books John G. Ruggie Jarnes B. Sitrick United Nations Coudert Brothers Randy Rydell Joseph E. Slater Senate Committee on Governmental John J. McCloy International Center Affairs Ann Brownell Sloane Scott D. Sagan Sloane & Hinshaw, Inc. Stanford University
Don M. Snider Robert C. Waggoner U.S. Military Academy Burrelle's Information Services Richard W. Sonnenfeldt April Wahlestedt Solar Outdoor Lighting Council on Foreign Relations Theodore C. Sorensen Michaela L. Walsh Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Women's Asset Management, Ltd. Garrison George Soros John L. Washburn Soros Fund Management United Nations Association of the U.S.A. Walter P. Stern Eric Watnik Capital Group International, Inc. Council on Foreign Relations Gordon C. Stewart John H. Watts Insurance Inforrnation Institute Fischer Francis Trees & Watts Marie-Xaviere Strauss Ruth Wedgwood Council on Foreign Relations Council on Foreign Relations Francis X. Sutton John L. Weinberg Goldman, Sachs & Co. Stevenson Swanson The Chicago Tribune Elizabeth G. Weymouth The Washington Post Eric P. Swenson W. W. Norton & Co. W. M. Winfield Council on Foreign Relations Shibley Telhami University of Maryland Cecil Wray Debevoise & Plimpton Maurice Tempelsman Leon Tempelsman & Son Michel Zaleski Laurence A. Tisch Norton D. Zinder Loews Corporation Rockefeller University Seymour Topping Kimberly M. Zisk Columbia University Columbia University Mortimer B. Zuckerman Boston Properties
Deborah Natsios DMZ Forum John Young Cryptome