9 March 2014
Stop Media Glorifying
Guccifer on Cryptome:
http://cryptome.org/2014/01/guccifer-cryptome.htm
The advice I got from the nice EarthLink engineer, Rich Gardner, was instructive:
Keep your personal data on a thumb drive, in a safe. That new normal explains
why I wouldnt have dreamed of writing about Guccifer until after his
arrest was announced. Believe me, Mr. Guccifer and all your friends
far be it from me to provoke you into really strutting your stuff!
But even still I hesitated, given the risk, as Mr. Gardner put it, of
painting a target on my back. The realization that I was falling
into totalitarian thinking convinced me I had no choice. For in the vacuum
of fearful silence, crimes like Guccifers begin to resemble principled
dissent.
The cult of the hacker is the tech-age update of Americas long romance
with the outlaw; hence an emerging narrative that casts Guccifer as sort
of a Sundance Kid to Edward Snowdens Butch Cassidy or, per New
York magazine, the hackers Graydon Carter, the host of a fabulous,
scandalous party, to Mr. Snowdens geek crusader.
_____
The ruling was revolutionary, because the court for the first time rejected
virtually any attempt to squelch criticism of public officials even
if false as antithetical to the central meaning of the First
Amendment. Today, our understanding of freedom of the press comes in
large part from the Sullivan case. Its core observations and principles remain
unchallenged, even as the Internet has turned everyone into a worldwide publisher
capable of calling public officials instantly to account for their
actions, and also of ruining reputations with the click of a mouse.
But the government can upset the Sullivan cases delicate balance by
aggressively shutting down avenues of inquiry, as the Obama administration
has done to an extreme degree in prosecuting those suspected of leaking
classified documents, and even seizing reporters records. Uninhibited
and robust criticism can go only so far without meaningful access to information.
Still, American press freedoms rank among the broadest in the world. Citizens
and media organizations in countries from China to India to Britain do not
enjoy the same protections. In many parts of the world, journalists are censored,
harassed, imprisoned and worse, simply for doing their jobs and challenging
or criticizing government officials. In this area of the law, at least, the
United States remains a laudable example.
_____
Another development is that wealthy businesspeople are coming forward to
fund journalistic enterprises including Jeff Bezos of Amazon, who
bought The Washington Post, and Pierre Omidyar of eBay, who founded First
Look Media, the online news organization that is publishing the work of Glenn
Greenwald and other journalists.
And the past year, with its astonishing news leaks from Edward J. Snowden,
has put a spotlight on the adversarial relationship between government and
the press. The federal governments increasing desire to shoot the
messengers to prosecute whistle-blowers and threaten journalists
is one way we know how much this matters and how it simply cant be
lost.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/09/opinion/sunday/stop-glorifying-hackers.html
Sunday Review | Opinion
Stop Glorifying Hackers
By DIANE McWHORTER
MARCH 8, 2014
I WAS at the Museum of Modern Art in New York not long ago, soaking in Edward
Hoppers retro downer mystique, when I got a call that opened up brave
new all-night-diners of doom and gloom.
The editor of thesmokinggun.com, a website that publishes embarrassing documents
with headlines like Man Jailed for Toilet Seat Attack on Disabled
Kin, had come into some documents of mine, including my Social Security
number with birth date, a photograph of me assailing a moth infestation in
an elderly friends kitchen and nearly all my passwords.
The conduit of the purloined goods was Guccifer, a hacker made famous last
year for liberating George W. Bushs post-presidential self-portraits
from his sisters email. Colin Powells Facebook page was also
defaced, but plenty of people with no state secrets got caught in his net
(apparently he got to me while hacking the email of my friend Sidney Blumenthal,
the Clinton family consigliere).
Yet in January, when Romanian authorities arrested Marcel Lazar Lehel, the
40-something citizen thought to be Guccifer, the world did not seem to share
my relief. Instead of being called out as the Grim Reaper of privacy, Mr.
Lehel got mostly attaboys. Guccifer is to hacking what the Beatles
are to rock and roll, wrote New York magazine. A commenter on Gawker
suggested a legal defense fund.
Given that private citizens as well as celebrities (Candace Bushnell, Tina
Brown) have been undressed by him, where is the alarm that anyones
online dossier could be called for no particular reason unless you
have total control over not just your own cyber-presence, but that of your
lawyer, your financial adviser, your therapist, your childrens teachers,
your spouse, paramour, bookie and bail bondsman?
Partly, of course, the seeming indifference is resignation the fragility
of our privacy is well established. But it also stems from pride, reflecting
the extent to which our devices have become stand-ins for our
egos. Consider the assumption in early media accounts that Guccifer was fooling
only with geezer servers like EarthLink, Yahoo and AOL. If you
were so gauche as to use what one New York magazine writer called a
second-tier e-mail account, then you basically had it coming.
This is wishful thinking. Although my (inactive) EarthLink account was hacked,
so was my primary address, Gmail.
More troubling, the system seemed to have worked. Within 24 hours
I had received anodyne alerts from Google and EarthLink and not suspecting
anything criminal reset both my passwords. I would not learn for nine
months that within my short, oblivious interval of defenselessness Guccifer
had managed to capture a passwords list I had Gmailed to myself at the office.
But unlike the unfortunate insurance executive whose divorce records Guccifer
released, at least I had conducted my own correspondence with the matrimonial
bar on an old EarthLink server, before we parked our business on Gmails
platform indefinitely.
That said, I hold less antipathy for Guccifer than for the gatekeepers who
give us a false impression that our digital homes are protected and encourage
us to cram in ever more precious assets. But when the locks are picked with
abandon, there is no accountability.
EarthLink initially made a very pleasant security expert available to me.
But once I began bearing down on the companys duty to issue stronger
hacking warnings or conduct follow-ups to possible intrusions, the corporate
veil of boilerplate descended. Google simply directed me to a link suggesting
that password theft was the fault of consumers being gulled out of their
account information by phishing spammers. And even in the wake of its recent
mass hacking, Yahoo likewise continues to push that argument of user fallibility.
The advice I got from the nice EarthLink engineer, Rich Gardner, was instructive:
Keep your personal data on a thumb drive, in a safe. That new normal explains
why I wouldnt have dreamed of writing about Guccifer until after his
arrest was announced. Believe me, Mr. Guccifer and all your friends
far be it from me to provoke you into really strutting your stuff!
But even still I hesitated, given the risk, as Mr. Gardner put it, of
painting a target on my back. The realization that I was falling
into totalitarian thinking convinced me I had no choice. For in the vacuum
of fearful silence, crimes like Guccifers begin to resemble principled
dissent.
The cult of the hacker is the tech-age update of Americas long romance
with the outlaw; hence an emerging narrative that casts Guccifer as sort
of a Sundance Kid to Edward Snowdens Butch Cassidy or, per New
York magazine, the hackers Graydon Carter, the host of a fabulous,
scandalous party, to Mr. Snowdens geek crusader.
Being mugged by Guccifer recalled the sense of revelation I had on a visit
to Tombstone, Ariz.: that a setting enshrined on grainy black-and-white film
was in reality stained with the blood of actual men. The shootout at
Tombstones O.K. Corral was a mythic episode in a struggle now gone
global, of rogues (those aggrieved ranchers) raging against the state-backed
elite, represented by Wyatt Earp.
The United States surely marshaled its finest in pursuit of a bandit who
pulled off security breaches against two former presidents, former and sitting
secretaries of state, a senator and a variety of intelligence officials.
Yet for a year the worlds most exhaustive electronic surveillance dragnet
came up short against a cyber-insurgent so brazen that he was allegedly hacking
the head of his own countrys domestic intelligence while serving
a suspended three-year sentence for hacking.
For us civilians, with no choice but to wander into the digital crossfire,
it becomes increasingly hard to know who, if anyone, wears the white hat.
_____
Diane McWhorter is the author of Carry Me Home: Birmingham, Alabama:
The Climactic Battle of the Civil Rights Revolution.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/09/opinion/sunday/the-uninhibited-press-50-years-later.html
The Uninhibited Press, 50 Years Later
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
MARCH 8, 2014
Perhaps no one understood both the necessity and the costs of a free press
better than Thomas Jefferson. In a 1787 letter to a friend, he wrote, Were
it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers,
or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer
the latter.
Two decades later, Jefferson, by then a president battered by years of criticism,
saw things differently. Nothing can now be believed which is seen in
a newspaper, he wrote. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being
put into that polluted vehicle.
This tension lies at the heart of the First Amendments guarantee that
no law may abridge the freedom of speech, or of the
press. How is society to preserve open criticism of the government,
while also protecting individuals from libel, or the publication of damaging
false statements?
Fifty years ago this Sunday, the Supreme Court answered that question with
a landmark decision in New York Times v. Sullivan. The ruling instantly changed
libel law in the United States, and it still represents the clearest and
most forceful defense of press freedom in American history.
The case involved an ad that had appeared in The Times in 1960, condemning
an unprecedented wave of terror against civil-rights demonstrators
by Southern violators, particularly in Alabama. The ad was a
plea for national attention, and for donations to support the movement. L.
B. Sullivan, a Montgomery city commissioner, sued The Times for libel, claiming
that the ad clearly targeted him, even if not by name, and that it contained
numerous factual errors. Applying plaintiff-friendly libel laws, an Alabama
state court awarded him $500,000.
The Supreme Court voted unanimously to overturn that verdict. The countrys
founders believed, Justice William Brennan Jr. wrote, quoting an earlier
decision, that public discussion is a political duty, and that this
should be a fundamental principle of the American government. Such
discussion, he added, must be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open,
and may well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly
sharp attacks on government and public officials.
To the court, the civil-rights context was key: The ad was an expression
of grievance and protest on one of the major public issues of our time,
and Alabama officials could not shut down that criticism, even though it
contained minor errors. Erroneous statement is inevitable in free
debate, Justice Brennan reasoned, and must be protected if the
freedoms of expression are to have the breathing space that they need to
survive.
With this in mind, the court announced a new actual malice standard
that requires a public official to prove that the defendant knew the statement
was false, or recklessly disregarded its truth or falsity. (Private citizens
rightly have a lower hurdle to clear; generally, they need only show that
a falsehood is the result of negligence.)
The ruling was revolutionary, because the court for the first time rejected
virtually any attempt to squelch criticism of public officials even
if false as antithetical to the central meaning of the First
Amendment. Today, our understanding of freedom of the press comes in
large part from the Sullivan case. Its core observations and principles remain
unchallenged, even as the Internet has turned everyone into a worldwide publisher
capable of calling public officials instantly to account for their
actions, and also of ruining reputations with the click of a mouse.
But the government can upset the Sullivan cases delicate balance by
aggressively shutting down avenues of inquiry, as the Obama administration
has done to an extreme degree in prosecuting those suspected of leaking
classified documents, and even seizing reporters records. Uninhibited
and robust criticism can go only so far without meaningful access to information.
Still, American press freedoms rank among the broadest in the world. Citizens
and media organizations in countries from China to India to Britain do not
enjoy the same protections. In many parts of the world, journalists are censored,
harassed, imprisoned and worse, simply for doing their jobs and challenging
or criticizing government officials. In this area of the law, at least, the
United States remains a laudable example.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/09/public-editor/lodestars-in-a-murky-media-world.html
Public Editor
Lodestars in a Murky Media World
MARCH 8, 2014
Margaret Sullivan
THE PUBLIC EDITOR
ARE todays college-age journalists doomed, entering a business in free
fall that is incapable of allowing most of them to earn a living? Or are
they lucky, coming into a media world bursting with new possibilities?
And given the strange new territory, still largely unnavigated, are there
any stars to steer by?
I got a chance to consider these questions recently before speaking to several
hundred young journalists in San Diego for the Associated Collegiate Press
convention. From St. Johns University in Queens to the University of
California at Berkeley, many of them are the top editors at their college
papers and will be among tomorrows journalistic leaders.
I took a hard look at the state of journalism today and tried my best to
provide some guidance, based on my own experience (including plenty of mistakes
and missteps), which began as a reporter in the 1980s and included running
the newsroom of a metro daily as chief editor for 13 years. These days, Im
immersed in social media and teach a course in Audience and
Engagement at Columbia Universitys Graduate School of Journalism.
I hope that sharing those thoughts here will be of interest to Times readers.
Two parts, then: the uncertainty that is journalism today; the certainty
that some values will endure.
First, the uncertainty and some trends. Because we are in the midst
of such radical change the most monumental communications change since
the invention of the printing press, as the New York University professor
Clay Shirky has observed we cant see clearly whats going
on. We do know that the old model, in which newspaper journalism was mostly
funded by print advertising, is broken.
No one can say what the landscape will be, even five years from now. (In
the question period of my talk, I was asked to make a prediction for 100
years out; I just laughed.)
But some trends in the new business of journalism are emerging.
To name a few: In some cases, paywalls in which readers buy access
to news through digital subscriptions are finding a degree of success.
That includes the one at The Times, where consumer revenue now outpaces
advertising revenue, a landmark change.
Another development is that wealthy businesspeople are coming forward to
fund journalistic enterprises including Jeff Bezos of Amazon, who
bought The Washington Post, and Pierre Omidyar of eBay, who founded First
Look Media, the online news organization that is publishing the work of Glenn
Greenwald and other journalists.
Meanwhile, single-subject websites like the education-oriented Chalkbeat
and the environmentally focused Inside Climate News are making strides.
Data-driven journalism is coming on strong. And news organizations that are
nimble and keep their overhead costs low give themselves a great advantage;
those that arent, and dont, have a huge ball and chain weighing
them down.
A lot of fine journalism is being done amid all the change. My biggest worry
is the toll on local watchdog journalism, traditionally the role of regional
newspapers, with their scores of skilled and serious-minded reporters. As
those newsrooms shrink, that crucial work raking the muck at a hundred
city halls, for example is fading.
Second, a few certainties. I talked to the students about the enduring
journalistic values that I believe are more important than ever to readers
as they seek a safe harbor in todays media maelstrom. First, integrity.
Real journalists are not for sale, not for insider access, a free lunch or
the prospect of a future book contract. The best journalism is about
truth-seeking and truth-telling; its meant to serve the public. Integrity
also means not borrowing from others without credit. If you want to put your
name on it, dont cut corners. Do the work or give the credit.
Another thing Im certain of: that the press is not supposed to be cozy
with the powerful. Journalists are supposed to be a check on power, and that
means not being afraid to be adversarial when needed: to dig out the truth
when people dont want us to, to state it clearly and let the chips
fall where they may. The Times reporter James Risen, at risk of jail as he
protects a confidential source despite government pressure, can speak to
that.
And the past year, with its astonishing news leaks from Edward J. Snowden,
has put a spotlight on the adversarial relationship between government and
the press. The federal governments increasing desire to shoot the
messengers to prosecute whistle-blowers and threaten journalists
is one way we know how much this matters and how it simply cant be
lost.
Another certainty is the need to get it right. Journalism needs the strongest
possible commitment to accuracy and its close cousin, fairness.
Yes, were all in the biggest rush in the world to get the news out
fast. But verifiable truth is more important than ever, and sometimes its
better to slow down. In a recent example, many outlets were quick to report
last week on a deadline that the Russian military gave the Ukrainian Army
in Crimea. By waiting, The Times was able to report the news with more context,
and to include conflicting reports from Ukrainian and Russian Interfax sources.
It was a reminder about the importance of coolheaded reporting, particularly
in the face of a turbulent situation.
New ventures like the Dublin-based Storyful, a news service that uses social
media to help validate breaking news, could play an important role in
verification. But you also cant beat old-fashioned double-checking
and smart, experienced editing.
Integrity. Challenging the powerful. Truth and fairness. No matter what the
technological changes, these are never going to go out of style. And neither
are the reasons that talented and idealistic young people continue to be
attracted to journalism: their compassion for societys underdogs and
their desire to make the world a better place.
_________
Follow the public editor on Twitter at twitter.com/sulliview and read her
blog at publiceditor.blogs.nytimes.com. The public editor can also be reached
by e-mail: public@nytimes.com.
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