31 March 2005. See Mario Profaca comments.

A writes:

I'm an active duty Department of State Officer not involved in political or economic issues.  I have read the letter's contents and viewed the 'letterhead.'  I can say with confident certainty that it is a fake, but without going into the details of the dozens of grammatical errors.  Remember, Ambassadors don't do much political reporting, senior (and junior officers looking to make their careers) write political reporting cables.  In fact, during meetings, briefings, panels, etc, there are always seasoned/senior political officers taking notes for the Ambassadors, and THEY draft the cables which are read, proofread, and meticulously picked over by people who pride themselves on their unique abilities to set scenes and use just the right word to convey accurate positions of the policy makers and opinions of those policy makers.  No group of seasoned political, economic, and aid/development officers, who all read and clear on 'policy' papers back to Washington decision makers, would let such a sloppy paper go forth to Washington.  And such policy discussions about internal politics of any country are NEVER in 'memo/letterhead' format.  Who are the recipients of such papers?  Do they think we mail things in this electronic age? No. Any such discussions are sent by electronic, i.e. 'cable' format.  A true 'secret' embassy document would have names of drafter, clearing officers, classification reason and expiration dates, specific policy/program tags for recipient offices, etc.  Cables are not 'signed.'  This is a fraud for some sort of domestic Kyrgyz purposes.

27 March 2005. The "secret report" appeared on 19 March 2005:

http://www.kabar.kg/eng/calendar/05/Mar/19/1.htm

It appeared 21 March 2005 on the Krygyzstan Development Gateway:

http://eng.gateway.kg/cgi-bin/page.pl?id=1&story_name=doc7678.shtml

A Google version a US Embassy disavowal appeared on 25 March 2005:

http://bishkek.usembassy.gov/fraudulent_report_eng.htm

Fraudulent Embassy Report on Internet

A document attempting to imitate a report of the Embassy of the United States of America in Bishkek is being disseminated via the internet. Made to appear on U.S. Embassy letterhead and dated December 30, 2004, the document slanderously misrepresents U.S. policy toward Kyrgyzstan and its election process. It forges the signature of Ambassador Young. This report is a crude fabrication by an individual or individuals who have no association with the United States Government. The document in no way represents the views of the U.S. Embassy in Bishkek and is a clear attempt to damage U.S.–Kyrgyz relations.

27 March 2005. A2 writes:

The "secret report" you have posted allegedly from the Kyrgyz ambassador is a fake.  The below is from the official embassy website (bishkek.usembassy.gov).

http://bishkek.usembassy.gov/fraudulent_report_new_eng.htm states:

Press Release [Accessed 27 March 2005]

Fraudulent Embassy Report Being Distributed

A document attempting to imitate a report of the Embassy of the United States of America in Bishkek is being disseminated via the internet and circulated by government supporters at demonstrations, bazaars, bus stations and in mail boxes.  Made to appear on U.S. Embassy letterhead and dated December 30, 2004, the document slanderously misrepresents U.S. policy toward Kyrgyzstan and its election process. It forges the signature of Ambassador Young.  This report is a crude fabrication by an individual or individuals who have no association with the United States Government.

The document in no way represents the views of the U.S. Embassy in Bishkek.  Our support for democratic development here has been clearly documented in public, and is designed to support the efforts of the people and government of Kyrgyzstan to strengthen democratic institutions in this country.  The creation and distribution of this fraudulent document is a disservice to the citizens of Kyrgyzstan and threatens to damage the good relations between the United States and the Kyrgyz Republic.  We urge the Kyrgyz authorities to denounce this forgery and take effective steps to disassociate the government from any efforts to distribute it.

27 March 2005. A. writes:

Er, as an old CIA guy, I've read a lot of cable traffic and would be willing to bet a tofuburger with a side of bean sprouts and a soymilk shake that this is a fake.  The English appears to be translated not very skillfully from some other language, and the content has material that I seriously doubt even the most neoconservative or clueless ambassador would put in record copy communications.

Cryptome welcomes opinions about the secret report or pointers to denials or affirmations of its authenticity. Send to: jya@pipeline.com

27 March 2005. Add interview of US Ambassador Stephen Young on 27 January 2005.

26 March 2005. Thanks to Mario Profaca (http://mprofaca.cro.net/)

Links within report by Cryptome.


Source: http://fairuse.1accesshost.com/news4/kabar1.html

Original source: http://www.kabar.kg/eng/calendar/05/Mar/19/1.htm

19.03.05 Secret report of the U.S. Ambassador to Kyrgyz Republic.

Secret report of the U.S. Ambassador to Kyrgyz Republic Stephen M.Young

Bishkek, Kirghiz Republic
December 30, 2004

Pre-election situation report

Analysis of the social and political situation in Kyrgyzstan testifies the growing instability on the threshold of parliamentary elections in the country. Against the background of economic crisis, accompanied with national impoverishment, corruption in state bodies and outflow of labor force abroad, some other external factors have a strong impact upon the political forces arrangement, i.e. influence (besides our geopolitical interests) of Russia, China, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and to a lesser extent of the EU countries and radical Islamic ideas proliferated from Iran.

The results of public opinion polls in Kyrgyzstan, conducted by the US Embassy in cooperation with USAID, NDI, IRI, other international organizations including Freedom House, Internews Network, Soros Foundations and the Eurasia Foundation in view of the above-mentioned countries influence on the politically active population, allow us to draw a conclusion that at present none of the states has prevailing influence. The only exception is Russia, which counts considerably in Kyrgyzstan, as it has retained multiform connections with the republic. Akaev, being a protegee of Russia, is guided by Moscow. However, we have not got the facts of Russian financing any candidates or parties.

As regards China, the prospect of Central Asia development puts Beijing into dependence on the Kyrghyz hydro-electric resources and electric power potential. Thus Kyrgyzstan foreign policy is aimed at trade and economic expansion that coincides with Chinese further plans, in particular those concerning electric power and water distribution. This reason should be taken into consideration when shaping a policy towards Beijing and its presence in the region.

Our military presence in Kyrgyzstan “is annoying” Beijing, and the temporary status of the air force base at Manas airport in Bishkek gives grounds to China to hope for would- be withdrawal of the US troops from Kyrgyzstan. In this regard, we are sure to expect counteracting steps of the Chinese government against our military expansion in the region. At present China renders informal support to the politicians disposed to further development of relations with Beijing and restriction of our military contingent in Kyrgyzstan. In addition, Akaev’s assistance in the struggle against Uigur separatism and religious extremism is obviously insufficient.

In view of the acts of terrorism committed against the US offices last summer in Uzbekistan and the Department of State and our secret services information on further plans of terrorists against the US Embassy in Kyrgyzstan, we are facing the real menace constituted by political acti’c4ties of the: religious extremist party Hizbut Tahrir and its radical Islamic ideas, which exert negative influence upon the formation of pre-election situation in the state.

According to the firsthand information, the radicalism has been actively promoted by Iran, Uzbekistan and Saudi Arabia. The activities of Islamists are set to construct mosques, establish religious educational institutions, arrange pilgrimage, and organize training of Kyrgyz religious leaders in Muslim countries. At present there are about 30 Muslim organizations and societies operating in Kyrgyzstan. Among them the greatest activity is shown by the office of the international charitable organization Al- Vakf al Isiami. Its leader Muntasir Abu Hasan has friendly relations with Akaev and Sabirov, Kyrgyz MPs, clerical leaders . A.Narmatov, M.Magomedov, O.Chotonov. We have elicited facts about contacts of the party leadership with representatives of the Chechen Diaspora. According to our analysts, Sabirov and Tursunbay Bakir uulu, leader of Erkin Kyrgyzstan, will take advantage of Muslim organizations support at the forthcoming elections. They are keeping in touch with hard liners from HizbutTtahrir to legitimate the party in Kyrgyzstan. On trips to southern areas of Kyrgyzstan some of the embassy staff have found out information on dissemination of leaflets issued by Hizbut Tahrir, which propagandize religious extremism and sharia laws.

Taking into account the interests, of our presence in the region and development of democratic society in Kyrgyzstan, our primary goal — according to the earlier approved plans — is to increase pressure upon Akaev to make him resign ahead of schedule after the parliamentary elections Realizing the plan is of key importance as, we think, the present opposition is not strong enough to challenge the present authorities, though Akaev has claimed he is not going to prolong his terms of office.

We know, Akaev’s adherents suspect the opposition to prepare the same scenario of elections like that one in Georgia and Ukraine. That was indirectly asserted by Akaev at December meeting of the Council of. Defense of the KR. In case of prolongation of presidential powers Akaev is mast likely to take advantage of the assistance rendered by the Russian-speaking part of the population and other ethnic minorities, as well as of several thousand residents who are on earnings in Russia now. In this connection, for better planning of pre-election tactics we ought to remember that Russia remains the basic employer in Kyrgyzstan. Both the pro-Russian public opinion and popularity of the Russian president are rather strong in some northern regions of the country.

According to the materials we sent to the Department of State earlier, at present two formations are shaped on the political arena of Kyrgyzstan. They will struggle for posts in the parliament and then nominate candidates for the presidency. First of all, it is the pre-election block For Powers of People. In July 2004 it united six opposition parties, which nominated K.Bakiev, ex-prime minister and MP, as their single candidate for the presidential post. I think he is the most acceptable candidate in the aspect of fruitful development of relations between the USA and Kyrgyzstan. I met Bakiev on repeated occasions. Bakiev expressed his consent to take advantage of the support after his block’s winning in parliamentary elections. As he said, after ambiguous American involvement in elections in Georgia and Ukraine unconcealed American support provided to a candidate might have a negative effect on his political reputation. Furthermore, he was against falling off in relations with Russia by criticizing on behalf of his party Russian intervening in the Ukrainian elections.

Among the other significant political leaders we name M.Ashirkulov, the former secretary of Security Council, and F.Kulov, who is currently imprisoned. They represent a newly founded party— the Civic Union For Fair Elections.

We believe Ashirkulov’s growing popularity has been arisen from recent Scandals and his demonstrative walkout from the president’s team. In our opinion, it was a specially made up action to promote the president’s friend to head up a “puppet” opposition. In this connection, we advise continuing contacts with another prominent representative of the opposition — F.Kulov, whose imprisonment will end in the middle of 2005. Enjoying deserved popularity and being a victim of regime, he will have sufficient potential to struggle for the presidency.

F.Kulov shares and adheres to American concepts of freedom and democracy and can be viewed as a dubbing candidate for the presidency in case our main candidate Bakiev is defeated.

We have mostly succeeded in developing contacts with another leader of the opposition — R.Otunbaeva, ex-Minister for Foreign Affairs. Through the funds allocated to her we managed to lobby setting up and promoting certain NGOs as well as organizing a unified system of mass media for better coverage over the country to spread her statement about non-interference of Russia in internal affairs of Kyrgyzstan.

With a view to providing favorable conditions and helping democratic opposition leaders come to power, our primary goal for the pre-elections period is to arouse mistrust to the authorities in force and Akaev’s incapacitated corruption regime, his pro-Russian orientation and illegal use of “an administrative resource” to rig elections. In this regard, the embassy’s Democratic commission, Soros Foundations, Eurasia Foundation in Bishkek in cooperation with USAID have been organizing politically active groups of voters in order to inspire riots against pro-president candidates.

We have set up and opened financing for an independent printing office — the Media Support center — and AKIpress news agency to interpret impartially the course of the elections and minimize state mass media propaganda impact. We also render financial support to promising non-governmental tele- and radio companies.

According to public polls results, we can come to conclusion that only a minor part of the population— former USSR citizens — is satisfied with close cooperation with Russia. Young people are most likely oriented to the West. Therefore we consider it extremely important to popularize American way of life among them to diminish Russian influence. At least 45 national higher schools have their local Students in Action organizations, which we are planning to use properly during parliamentary and presidential elections. In our opinion, those additional funds ($5 mm) transferred by the Department of State to hold seminars in all leading Universities of Kyrgyzstan and organize training in western countries turned out insufficient.

Conclusion.

In the view of the pit-election situation and effort to provide fair and democratic elections in the KR and retain our positions in mass media and contacts with the opposition leaders, I advise focusing on discrediting the present political regime, thus making Akaev and his followers responsible for the economic crisis. We should also take steps to spread information on probable restriction of political freedoms during the election campaign.

It is worthwhile compromising Akaev personally by disseminating data in the opposition mass media on his wife’s involvement in financial frauds and bribery at designation of officials. We also recommend spreading rumors about her probable plans to run for the presidency, etc. All these measures will help us form an image of an absolutely incapacitated president.

It is essential to increase the amount of financial support up to $30 mm to promising opposition parties at the preliminary stage of the parliamentary and presidential elections and allocate additional funds to NGOs including the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican Institute, Freedom house, Internews Network and Eurasia Foundation, since they have reached significant results within the framework of informing the population on preparation for the election and on the process of political forces consolidation.

To minimize Russian influence on the course of elections we ought to urge opposition parties to make appeals to the Russian government concerning non-interference in internal affairs of the KR.

Taking into account arrangements of the Department of. State Plan for the period of 2005-2006 to intensify our influence in Central Asia, particularly in Kyrgyzstan, we view the country as the base to advance with the process of democratization in Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and limit Chinese and Russian capabilities in the area Setting up democratic legitimate opposition in the parliament of Kyrgyzstan is extremely important. To reach the target we should attract groups of independent observers from western humanitarian: organizations, OSCE, and people from Kyrgyz offices of the UN Program of Development. That is necessary: to get control of the election process and eliminate any possible financing of the pro - presidential majority in the parliament.

Stephen M.Young
The U.S. Ambassador to Kyrgyz Republic

[Image]
http://fairuse.1accesshost.com/news4/kyrgyzletter.jpg


Source: http://www.usemb-bishkek.rpo.at/amb_interview.htm

United States Embassy
Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic

Ambassador Stephen M. Young's Interview in "Argumenty i Fakty"

On January 27, 2005, Ambassador Stephen M. Young met with Gennady Pavliuk, Editor-in-Chief of Argumenty i Fakty, in the library of the U.S. Embassy in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, for an interview, which was published in the newspaper’s February 2 issue.  The transcript of the full interview follows:

The main political event in Kyrgyzstan is, certainly, the February elections to the Parliament.  How do you access the readiness of  Kyrgyz society for transparent and democratic elections?

Thank you, Mr. Pavliuk.  First of all, I would like to welcome you to our Embassy and express my appreciation for the chance to meet with you and through you to talk with your readers.

Your question is a very good one.  I personally believe that this is a very important opportunity for Kyrgyzstan to show itself, its neighbors, and the world that it continues to be a leader in democracy in Central Asia.

And I hope that both in February and in October, Krygryzstan will be able to hold free, fair, and transparent elections consistent with your constitution and with international norms.  And I believe that the strong educational background of your people, the growth of independent newspapers, the widespread activities of Kyrgyz non-governmental organizations, NGOs, and the commitment of President Akaev to democracy are all positive signs of Kyrgyzstan’s ability to have good elections this year.

There were many articles in official media about the export of revolution to NIS countries: Georgia, Ukraine.  The articles say that these revolutions come from the United States.  Does Kyrgyzstan await the same fate?

No.  I think that there have been some real misperceptions about what happened in Ukraine and Georgia and what significance it might have for Kyrgyzstan.  I guess the first thing I’d say is that democracy is not something that one can export.  Democracy must grow up organically within its own society.  And the goal of American policy, whether in Ukraine or in Kyrgyzstan is to support grassroots and governmental programs that are strengthening democracy in that society, rather than export some sort of alien ideas.  I do think that there is an obligation of the media here in Kyrgyzstan to report the facts as you prepare for your February and October elections ­ and I’m happy to have the chance to work with you on that.

The Head of Russian Accounting Chamber (Stepashin) stated during his recent visit to Kyrgyzstan that “voting by fingers” at the forthcoming elections was the American Ambassador’s achievement.  Do you take exception to this statement?

Well, I’m very happy to talk about this question, because there have been some fundamental misunderstandings about the use of indelible ink in Kyrgyz elections.  I was very pleased that your Zhogorku Kenesh, your parliament, passed a law mandating the use of marking, as it is called here, for elections and that President Akaev signed that law.  I was happy, when approached by the Government, to offer American financial assistance to carry this program into reality, because I think the use of indelible ink would be one of the ways that Kyrgyzstan can show the world that it is prepared to hold free, fair, and transparent elections.

In terms of some misunderstandings, first of all, as you’ve just seen, it’s a very simple process. We just demonstrated it for Mr. Pavliuk before the interview.  It is absolutely without any negative effect on one’s health.  It is in no way undignified or demeaning to the individual getting the ink applied to his or her finger.  It is used effectively in dozens of countries ­ in Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America as an effective means of preventing the phenomenon known as duplicate voting.  And the United States is spending $170,000 to provide training and the equipment ­ the ink and the ultraviolet lights ­ to all 1,300 election precincts to administer the ink on February 27.

A common stereotype: during elections Russia supports current governments, and the U.S. supports opposition.  Whom does your country count on in Kyrgyzstan?

We support the people.  Our goal is not to interfere in the selection by the Kyrgyz people of their candidates, but to give them the tools through some of our programs to understand the issues and to strengthen the integrity of the election process itself.  But we do not support political candidates and we do not support political parties in Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, or in any country.  It is against our law to do that.  However, in addition to our support of the inking, we are providing $320,00 to train local election commission members in preparation for the elections, $100,000 to train local observers for the elections, and also $300,000 to distribute through local NGOs and independent media outlets for voter education.  All of which is a part of a process of strengthening the integrity of these elections, not to interfere in the actual selection of candidates.

The well-known Russian politician, Deputy Speaker of Duma, Vladimr Zhirinovsky said to “Vremena “ (a TV program on Russia’s First Channel) that the main threat for Russia comes from Central Asia, and that the U.S. is interested in setting radical Islamists against Russia.  How would you comment on this statement?

Well, I think as a student of history and political science, it is always important to consider the source of a statement ­ and I think Mr. Zhirinovsky has a reputation of being a rather controversial politician.  But I will say that the United States and Russia have much in common in our approach to Central Asia.  We, in fact, are both committed in the war against terrorism here, combating narcotics trafficking, and to strengthening the economic development of these countries.  I think that statements like Mr. Zhirinovsky’s are meant to frighten people and are simply not accurate.

It’s become common to put Russia and America as opponents in the elections in the NIS.  Don’t you think that it may lead to a new cold war?  Can the U.S. and Russia get into conflict because of Kyrgyzstan?

I don’t think so.  I think, in fact, that the cold war ended nearly fifteen years ago and since then my government and the Russian government have been working hard to find new approaches to developing our relationship and working together in areas such as Central Asia.  I know that President Bush and President Putin have developed a good personal relationship and in a couple of weeks they are going to have a summit in Bratislava which will be an opportunity for them to talk about a whole range of international issues on which we can cooperate.  I also know that Dr. Condoleezza Rice, who has just been confirmed as the next Secretary of State is a real expert on this area of the world and will continue in her new capacity to provide very professional recommendations and advice to President Bush on how to continue to strengthen our relationship with a very important international partner, that is, Russia.  And I would note that President Akaev at the 60th anniversary of the Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry, with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia, Sergey Lavrov, sitting on the stage, said the following:  that the existence of the Coalition Airbase at Ganci and the Russian Airbase at Kant was evidence that there is no Russian-American rivalry here in Kyrgyzstan.  And, in fact, he echoed those sentiments a week and a half ago when he visited Ganci on January 17 for what was a very successful opportunity for him to see what the base was doing and for him to compliment not only the United States, but all those Coalition partners in the war against terrorism for their contribution to improving security in Afghanistan, Kyrgyzstan, and in Central Asia.

An anti-American campaign has been deployed in many of the official media.  Almost all Western institutions are seen as influence agents.  What is your opinion on that?

Well, I am glad to have the chance to answer this question, because I am surprised and a little bit disturbed by the tone of some of the articles I’ve read in the press, particularly the pro-government press.  In fact, as the American Ambassador to the Government of Kyrgyzstan, I am quite proud of the programs that we support.  We have spent $746,000,000 in government assistance to Kyrgyzstan since 1992.  That is the largest contribution of any country around the world in that period.  And all of our programs, whether in education, health care, security, or strengthening the growth of democracy in Kyrgyzstan, have one object:  to support the efforts of the Kyrgyz people and government, to develop a stable, prosperous, and democratic society.  I think that we are partners with the Kyrgyz people and government in this work.  And I think that the programs that the National Democratic Institute (NDI), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), Freedom House, and other American sponsored NGOs are carrying out in Kyrgyzstan are part and parcel of that very positive impact on goals that I think the American people and the Kyrgyz people share.  And I really think that such articles underestimate the intelligence of the Kyrgyz people, because they are fully capable of deciding their own future.  We are not trying to interfere in that process.  We are merely trying to work with them to make it easier for them to pursue their goals.

Don’t you regret that you’ve spent that money?

No.  I think most of it has been very, very usefully spent.  In fact, I think, that we try very hard to monitor our programs to make sure that the money is usefully spent.  I think that the amount of money we spend in Kyrgyzstan per capita is far and away the highest rate of any of the Central Asian states ­ and there is a reason for that:  because we have seen that our partnership with Kyrgyzstan has made those assistance programs among the most effective of all those countries of the former Soviet Union.

Do you agree with the opinion that democracy in Kyrgyzstan is being curtailed?  Is there freedom of press here?

This is a complicated process.  Just as democracy takes a long time to develop, the institutions of democracy ­ like civil society, political parties, and a free press ­ take time to develop.  I think that Kyrgyzstan’s press is the freest in Central Asia, but there are still problems.  There have been problems in the past with libel suits against newspapers, which appear to me to be attempts by individuals within or close to the government to silence independent newspapers.  And I think that it needs to be understood, as in my country, that the media will not always say what you want them to say and will sometimes say things you think are inaccurate.  I could personally say that about some of the things I’ve read about my activities or the activities of my Embassy.  But, as I say, a free press is not always a responsible press.  That’s why both the government and the pro-government press and the independent press all have obligations to be responsible, to be professional.

One last point:  I think that while there are independent and, yes, opposition newspapers, I’m sorry that television seems to be almost completely pro-government, either organized by the government or owned by people who are pro-government and, therefore, there is not the full range of objective news being spread around the country to your citizens that I would like to see.

What is your opinion about the press in our country?  What papers do you read?  Is Argumenty i Fakty read in the Embassy?

Yes, I receive a stack of newspapers everyday and I believe you publish the Kyrgyz edition of Argumenty i Fakty once a week.  I receive that newspaper and, in fact, just last night I was reading your latest edition, number 4.  And I think it’s a good newspaper.  Obviously, it brings a lot of Russian news, but the special Kyrgyz section is the one that is of the most interest to me.  And I particularly noticed that you profiled one of the leading candidates for Parliament, but you also had an invitation to other candidates that they can get their views reflected in your newspaper and I compliment you for that.


Mario Profaca writes March 28, 2005:

Subject: RE: 19.03.05 Secret report of the U.S. Ambassador to Kyrgyz Republic

I think we have two questions here (both claimed in the U.S. Embassy Press Release) one should consider separately:

[1] Was this "secret report" itself a fraudulent one;

[2] Does it (no matter fraudulent or not) mis/represents U.S. policy toward Kyrgyzstan and its election process.

Aside the discussion whether the document (mis)represents U.S. policy toward Kyrgyzstan and its election process, the "Report" in question could be a fraudulent one too.

http://peakoil.com/fortopic6301-0-asc-0.html

But if forged, it wasn't done amateurish, although the signature (the autograph) of the U.S. Ambassador Steven. M. Young could be found on internet and recycled for this purpose (e.g. see his signature at this letter, when Steven. M. Young was the Director of the Office of Chinese and Mongolian Affairs).

http://www.clearharmony.net/news_images/2003-1-10-us_dos_response_1.jpg

Of course, even personal autographs might undergo certain changes as time goes by, and "individual or individuals" would know that a recent document must have the latest version of the Ambassador's autograph. The samples of recent documents signed by Steven. M. Young could be in the possession of unknown number of Kyrgyz Republic officials as well as of diplomats and other officials of the embassies in the Kyrgyz Republic, not to mention the domestic and/or foreign intelligence agencies...

So, as I said above, aside the discussion whether the document (mis)represents U.S. policy toward Kyrgyzstan and its election process, remember that the old Cold War is still yet very lively one.

Mario Profaca

as published in the discussion on Peak Oil Forum

http://peakoil.com/fortopic6301-0-asc-15.html

RELATED STORIES:

19.03.05 Secret report of the U.S. Ambassador to Kyrgyz Republic.

http://cryptome.org/kyrgyz-secret.htm

U.S. Embassy in Bishkek Press Release (in English)

http://bishkek.usembassy.gov/fraudulent_report_new_eng.htm

Press Release (in Russian)

http://bishkek.usembassy.gov/fraudulent_report_new_rus.htm

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http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Blum/TrojanHorse_RS.html

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